The penal laws against Irish Catholics
Were they too good for them?
in Irish Catholic identities
Abstract only
Log-in for full text

You are not authenticated to view the full text of this chapter or article.

manchesterhive requires a subscription or purchase to access the full text of books or journals - to see content that you/your institution should have access to, please log in through your library system or with your personal username and password.

If you are authenticated and think you should have access to this title, please contact your librarian.

Non-subscribers can freely search the site, view abstracts/extracts and download selected front and end matter. 

Institutions can purchase access to individual titles; please contact manchesterhive@manchester.ac.uk for pricing options.

ACCESS TOKENS

If you have an access token for this content, you can redeem this via the link below:

Redeem token

This chapter investigates why many Irish Protestants continued to defend the penal laws against Irish Catholics in terms that increasingly made little sense at the end of the eighteenth century. Sean Connolly regarded the penal laws rather as 'a declaration of commitment to Protestant supremacy than as a detailed plan of action'. It was during the period of the penal laws that the Catholic 'strong farmer' emerged as a key player in rural Irish politics. The penal laws against English Catholics lasted longer and were much tougher, they had to pay a double land tax, for example: while French laws against the Huguenots were quite draconian. It has been argued that even if there had been no penal laws against Irish Catholics the profile and composition of the governing class in the eighteenth century would not have been much altered.

INFORMATION
TABLE OF CONTENTS
METRICS

Metrics

All Time Past Year Past 30 Days
Abstract Views 104 69 5
Full Text Views 36 15 0
PDF Downloads 22 8 0
RELATED CONTENT