The final chapter looks at the way forms of workplace power were dissipated
between 1975 and 1982. This chapter examines oral history interviews
conducted at the time, as well as documentary sources, to determine why it
was that some of Britain’s most ‘strike-prone’ car factories came to be
declared ‘strike-free’ in the mid-1980s. This chapter approaches this
development from the perspective of the workforce and its shifting attitudes
towards workplace activism and collective action, arguing that alongside
wider economic and political factors, there was also a general decline in
the capacity of shop-floor trade unionism to reproduce itself, as the
intensity of social practices of workplace activism made mass democratic
involvement increasingly difficult to sustain. Centralisation at the
beginning of the 1970s, the involvement of senior activists in workers’
participation schemes and a wider decline in interest in trade-union
activism contributed to a disconnect between convenors, stewards and
members, making resistance to rationalisation schemes, and then to
government union legislation from 1979, increasingly difficult.
This chapter critically evaluates characterisations of the EDL as ‘Islamophobic’. It outlines debates about how we might define and measure ‘Islamophobia’, focusing on the question of whether Islamophobia is a new, and distinct, phenomenon or consists primarily in anti-Muslim attitudes, which are adequately understood within the existing notion of cultural racism. It provides a detailed exploration of the nature and content of perceptions of, and attitudes towards, Islam among EDL activists and shows how Islam is singled out as a ‘problem’ in a way that other aspects of multicultural society are not. In order to sustain claims to non-racism, therefore, a strategic distinction between Islam and Muslims is drawn; the object of hostility, it is claimed, is Islamic doctrine or teachings not its followers as individuals or racialised groups. However, being anti-Islam does not exclude being anti-Muslim also. Drawing on observational evidence as well as interviews, the chapter demonstrates considerable slippage in distinctions between Islam and Muslims as the object of hostility as well as, especially in the context of demonstrations, the use of generalised terms of abuse towards Muslims.
This chapter discusses the emotional and affective dimensions of EDL activism by exploring the pleasures of the ‘demo buzz’ and the ontological security generated by relationships formed in the EDL ‘family’. It outlines theoretical debates on emotion and affect in social movements and adopts the notion of ‘affective practice’ to understand and explore the role of emotion in EDL activism. It shows how street demonstrations are experienced by respondents as not only a place for achievement of the rational goal of ‘getting your message across’ but also, emotionally, as ‘a good day out’ with its associated pleasures (including, for some, violence and ‘disorder’). The forms and means by which the emotional collective is formed within the EDL (the use of symbols, colours, chanting and other performative acts) is discussed and arguments that these emotions are instrumentally orchestrated from above are refuted. Finally, the chapter considers the ‘reciprocal emotions’ - close, affective ties of friendship, love, solidarity, and loyalty - generated within social movements. These emotions – expressed through respondents’ understanding of the EDL as ‘one big family’ - arise out of, and enhance, the pleasures of shared activism but can work to undermine as well as strengthen group bonds.