This chapter discusses the work of nursing staff and surgeons in cosmetic
surgery tourism. For surgeons, our research uncovered ambiguities
surrounding professional standing and identity, and we explore how surgeons
narrate their career trajectories and the pride they have for their work, as
well as how they attempt to head off criticisms of their specialism. The
discussion draws on sociological research on care work, body work, emotional
labour and aesthetic labour. We discuss how surgeons negotiate an
increasingly entrepreneurial role, showing how tensions emerge in their
interactions with medical travel facilitators. We show how key moments such
as the clinical consultation frame both doctors’ and patients’
understandings of surgery. The consultation is not simply about surgeons
asserting their professional authority over ‘duped’ patients; instead, it is
a negotiation towards a desired outcome for both parties. This leads us into
a discussion of the forms of work that patients themselves undertake in
cosmetic surgery tourism. Rather than passive recipients of others’ labours,
patient-travellers work hard to accomplish their surgical journeys – and
some later capitalise on this work by themselves becoming medical travel
facilitators and guiding others through the same journeys.
This chapter critically evaluates characterisations of the EDL as ‘Islamophobic’. It outlines debates about how we might define and measure ‘Islamophobia’, focusing on the question of whether Islamophobia is a new, and distinct, phenomenon or consists primarily in anti-Muslim attitudes, which are adequately understood within the existing notion of cultural racism. It provides a detailed exploration of the nature and content of perceptions of, and attitudes towards, Islam among EDL activists and shows how Islam is singled out as a ‘problem’ in a way that other aspects of multicultural society are not. In order to sustain claims to non-racism, therefore, a strategic distinction between Islam and Muslims is drawn; the object of hostility, it is claimed, is Islamic doctrine or teachings not its followers as individuals or racialised groups. However, being anti-Islam does not exclude being anti-Muslim also. Drawing on observational evidence as well as interviews, the chapter demonstrates considerable slippage in distinctions between Islam and Muslims as the object of hostility as well as, especially in the context of demonstrations, the use of generalised terms of abuse towards Muslims.
This chapter discusses the emotional and affective dimensions of EDL activism by exploring the pleasures of the ‘demo buzz’ and the ontological security generated by relationships formed in the EDL ‘family’. It outlines theoretical debates on emotion and affect in social movements and adopts the notion of ‘affective practice’ to understand and explore the role of emotion in EDL activism. It shows how street demonstrations are experienced by respondents as not only a place for achievement of the rational goal of ‘getting your message across’ but also, emotionally, as ‘a good day out’ with its associated pleasures (including, for some, violence and ‘disorder’). The forms and means by which the emotional collective is formed within the EDL (the use of symbols, colours, chanting and other performative acts) is discussed and arguments that these emotions are instrumentally orchestrated from above are refuted. Finally, the chapter considers the ‘reciprocal emotions’ - close, affective ties of friendship, love, solidarity, and loyalty - generated within social movements. These emotions – expressed through respondents’ understanding of the EDL as ‘one big family’ - arise out of, and enhance, the pleasures of shared activism but can work to undermine as well as strengthen group bonds.