There are domestic politics in both Latin America and the EU that affect relations between them, such as Brexit on one side and the presidency of Bolsonaro and the crisis in Venezuela on the other. However, since 2016, the possibility of further developing their interdependence came to seem a desired outcome in order to overcome the decline in multilateralism at the international level, and in response to the protectionist and isolationist stances of the US as well as the rise of China. The book is intended to capture all of the recent changes at the international level and interpret how they would affect Latin America and the European Union. The book aims to discuss this interdependence in order to facilitate a discussion on how significant both regions have become for each other, as well as in relation to other international actors. The chapters discuss European Union–Latin America relations with all of this in mind.Overall, this book offers the different points of views of academics using different approaches to the question of how Latin America and the European Union have engaged with one another over time, considering the role of both domestic and international politics. It seems clear that the political aspect and economic aspect are interlinked. Since 2016 this has only become even more relevant.
The Introduction reviews the recent history of the Brotherhood, providing the necessary background to understand the significance of the new wave of repression and forced exile that the movement has been facing since 2013. It identifies the post 2013 coup period as a new era in the troubled history of the Brotherhood, arguing that a new analytical approach is needed to fully understand the internal transformations dividing the movement. In order to do so, it engages with the seminal works on social movements, repression and political Islam, arguing that to get a more complete picture of the various forces at play within the Brotherhood after 2013 one needs to shift the analysis to the level of individual members. Doing so allows it to identify the main points of contention that are driving organisational renewal – these being questions around organisational identity, ideology, and the emergence of members’ individual agency.
Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century provides a valuable overview in English of transatlantic trade agreement negotiations and developments in the first decades of the twenty-first century. The collection examines key motivations behind trade agreements, traces the evolution of negotiations and explores some of the initial impacts of new-generation trade agreements with the EU on South American countries. The book makes an important contribution to our understanding of relations between these regions by contextualising relations and trade agendas within the frames of both domestic political and economic policies and broader global trends. It demonstrates the importance of a shift towards mega-regional trade agreements in the 2010s, particularly under the Obama Administration in the United States, in shaping South American and European agendas for trade agreement negotiations and in explaining the timing and outcomes of these. Various chapter investigate in detail the relations with MERCOSUR, the Andean states, Chile and Mexico in particular, as these countries have negotiated new generation trade agreements with the EU. Other contributions offer an overarching panorama of EU–Latin American relations, including parliamentary and civil society relations. The net result is a balanced analysis of contemporary EU relations with South America.
This chapter argues that the shift in world politics that commenced in 2016 has created the best momentum to further develop Latin American and European Union relations for political and economic reasons. For political reasons it is intended to reinforce an international arena where multilateralism and respect for international forums and international law continue to exist. For economic reasons it is a way of creating growth and redistributing economic power away from the two largest economies (the US and China) who have clear foreign policy goals regarding the projection of power in both Latin America and the European Union. They are dangerously taking everyone towards a bipolar world. The remainder of this chapter discusses the economic balance of power that has developed over time between the North and the South with a discussion of the BRICS as well as a discussion of the potential outcomes of those struggles, followed by the development of mega-regional agreements until 2016. In Latin America the election of Bolsonaro in 2018 with an individualistic agenda was expected to affect the negotiations with the other countries within Mercosur or with the European Union. Although the EU and Latin America have intended for years to review their links, Trump’s unilateral and conflictive measures against them have actually accelerated their agendas (Santander 2020). Therefore for some of them the counterbalancing exercise took place against Trump, or for others potentially against China or even against both.
Chapter 4 expands on the internal debates dividing the movement to focus on the ongoing polarisation around different responses to repression and on competing strategies to move past the current crisis. It shows that a significant novelty of the post-2013 context is represented by the fact that dissenting members, along with those who do not align with the Brotherhood’s official narrative, remain an active part of the movement. These behaviours were punished with expulsion prior to 2011, but the necessity to maintain unity and safety in numbers after the coup mean that the Brotherhood is characterised by an unprecedented diversity of voices and opinions. The chapter traces the development of two main trends to fight against repression: stagnation and adaptation strategies. It shows that the Historical Leadership takes a generally passive approach, treating the current crisis as yet another time of hardship and calling for unity in the face of oppression. This faction remains faithful to the Brotherhood’s historical strategies and refuses to answer the call for internal reforms that would allow the movement to better adapt to exile. On the contrary, the adaptation trend encompasses a wide diversity of voices and competing strategies that argue for a more proactive response to the current crisis. These are informed by the members’ increased agency and by the development of independent thinking against the Brotherhood’s official stance. By providing first-hand accounts of these strategies, the chapter outlines what the main future directions for the movement might be.
Surviving repression tells the story of the Muslim Brotherhood after the 2013 coup. The movement quickly rose to power following the 2011 Arab uprisings, but its premature removal marked the beginning of the harshest repression of its troubled history. Forced into exile, the Brotherhood and its members are faced with the monumental task of having to rebuild a fragmented organisation. The book looks at this new era in the movement’s history through the perspective of individual members, relying on conversations with current and former members from across the generational and organisational spectrums. It puts emphasis on their experiences, perspectives and emotions to better understand how their responses to repression are affecting the movement as a whole. It is the first book to comprehensively address the Brotherhood’s trajectories after the 2013 coup, and to examine the external and internal challenges it faces while trying to rebuild in exile. Surviving repression offers an invaluable insight into the main strategical, ideological and organisational debates dividing the Brotherhood and reveals that, in order to survive, the movement needs to answer two fundamental challenges. These are: what kind of organisation the Brotherhood wants to be moving forward; and whether or not it is willing to renegotiate the relationship between the movement and its members in order to maximise survival and resilience. Overall, it shows that the main forces driving the Brotherhood’s evolution after 2013 are fundamental questions about organisational identity, its members’ increased agency, and growing calls to reform the movement’s core structures and principles.
Chapter 3 begins by outlining the Brotherhood members’ emerging processes of self-reflection to show how, in the post-2013 context, the battle between members’ individual agency and the Brotherhood’s organizational structure has taken the centre stage. It looks at the reconfiguration of the movement’s leadership ranks in the aftermath of the coup, showing that open competition over leadership and the emergence of warring Guidance Offices reveal yet another layer of internal fragmentation. The chapter traces the sources and development of various dynamics of dissent, to outline the different ways in which individual members experience repression and forced displacement. These experiences directly shape their relationship with the movement and inform their strategies to counter repression, which often clash with the Brotherhood’s official narrative. It therefore outlines the disintegration of the tanzim and identifies the processes that guide the challenging of the movement’s collective identity in favour of agency and individualism. In doing so, it shows that the main grievances guiding these processes have their roots in the pre-revolutionary period and were therefore brought back to the fore by the perceived failure of the political experience. The chapter concludes by arguing that in the dimension of forced exile the biggest challenges the movement has to face are those posed by its own members, and by the growing calls for internal reforms.
In June 2019, after a twenty-years discontinuous process of negotiation, the European Union and MERCOSUR announced the conclusion of the commercial chapter of their Association Agreement. This chapter analyses the negotiations from an international political economy perspective, taking into account structure and agency factors at play, both in the international arena and within the internal dynamics of each side. The chapter aims to provide a periodisation of the negotiation process as well as to discuss the main obstacles explaining the twenty-years failure in achieving an acceptable outcome, and the drivers that explain its final conclusion. The chapter argues that the EU–MERCOSUR Association Agreement was functional to an inter-regional strategy supporting globalisation and regionalism, but this could not overcome deep-rooted economic interests and a number of social and political barriers of the parties. Among them the chapter examines divergent political cycles, conflicting agendas of offensive and defensive positions, and changes in regionalism and regional trade and integration strategies. The chapter also explains how, paradoxically, a new international scenario marked by the setback and the crisis of both globalisation and regionalism has pressed the parties to the final agreement. These obstacles, however, remain present and will determine the complex process of ratification and entering into force of this agreement.
The conclusion revisits the findings of the empirical chapters by focusing on the characteristics of transitional justice in process. It therefore highlights their conceptual and argumentative implications. It then goes on to outline the study’s contribution to different knowledge areas. The conclusion shows what the study teaches us about the Tunisian case with its unique political backdrop by providing new empirical insights and a unique perspective on a particular timeframe. It outlines for the field of transitional justice that transitional justice may be political exactly because of its technocratic nature and not despite it, and that there is a problem–capacity nexus in transitional justice: measures that seem to fit the problems to be dealt with in transitional justice processes and that fit the capacities of international transitional justice professionals may not necessarily fit domestic institutions. They run the risk of overburdening them, so that they cannot fulfil the promises transitional justice makes. Thus, more may not always be more in transitional justice, and a holistic approach may therefore not always be the best one – even if the grievances to be addressed are manifold. Finally, the conclusion discusses what we can learn from the study for other cases and for policy. It concludes by identifying potential avenues for future research and gives an outlook for current developments.
This chapter focuses on the shift from ad hoc measures to an institutionalised transitional justice project. A technical committee composed of representatives of civil society and the Ministry for Human Rights and Transitional Justice led a participatory consultation process and drafted a transitional justice law. Which transitional justice measures were introduced was co-determined by the international transitional justice professionals. The broad mandate that emerged from this process mirrored the dominant dogma in transitional justice research and scholarship as well as the political interests of both international and domestic actors. In this stage, the transitional justice process interplayed with unplanned, spontaneous political and social dynamics. The struggles over the constitution-writing process and at times violent protests pushed the topic back on to the political agenda. The National Dialogue then opened the way for the primacy of acute conflict-resolution and elite deal-making over further dismantling the old regime and seeking justice and accountability. The parliament’s decision to retain its prerogative of nominating truth commissioners paved the way for a perception of the Truth and Dignity Commission as a political and partisan body.