The chapter opens with the most spectacular revolutionary event in Haguenau [Bas-Rhin], a bloodletting between its citizens on 24 July 1790. They arose from a division between Haguenau’s old oligarchs who had ruled the town before 1789 and a local group of political upstarts elected to a new municipal council in 1789 and re-elected in early 1790. The bloodletting sets the stage for the chapter’s theme, which is that the implementation of the Revolution’s religion-related reforms in Haguenau was dictated by a local power struggle that transcended the religious realm. The chapter shows that concern of these institutions—not the Oath of 1791—first sparked an Alsatian opposition to religious reform led by the bishop of Strasbourg, the Cardinal de Rohan. Although Catholics politically dominated Haguenau before and after 1789, the town had a sizeable Jewish community and resided in a region with many Protestants. Despite long-running religious tensions in Alsace, for politically self-serving reasons oligarchical leaders who had taken control of Haguenau worked well with area Protestants and protected the town’s Jews. Yet they also resorted to a “double game” by reticently implementing religious reforms while fending off local political enemies as well as officials in Strasbourg and Paris. The double game ended in late 1792, when centralized authorities ousted the town’s oligarchs from office. The chapter undermines the long-held views that Alsace was a unified bastion of Catholic resistance, and that such defiance was founded on the 1791 Oath.
Climate change has led to a significant decrease of the cryosphere, including a considerable loss of ice sheets and glaciers. In addition to unrelenting climate change, glaciers are affected by large-scale economic activities such as mineral and energy extraction at the so-called ‘frozen frontier’. In light of this development, societies have come to revalue glaciers and their related ecosystems, giving rise to new narratives of glaciers as ‘an endangered species’ and ‘natural resources’. This chapter analyses how glaciers took form as governable objects in Argentina. Starting as a contested environmental impact assessment in relation to a gold mining project the issue later culminated in the world’s first national glacier protection law adopted by Argentina in 2010, after an animated national debate. The chapter employs the concepts of resource construction and scale in order to trace and understand the changing values ascribed to glaciers through the process by which they became institutionalized in Argentinean environmental politics. By focusing on how glaciers were constructed as resources by different actors during this process, the power relations embedded in glaciers are revealed. Furthermore, how glaciers were scaled became a crucial constitutive part of their construction as resources – and by extension – of their transformation into governable objects. Finally, the chapter discusses how glaciers assumed the role as mediators of global climate change and re-actualized questions of scale enabling a new multidimensional framing of glaciers in Argentina: glaciers as critical water resources and objects of national governance.
The first small town considered in depth is Pont-à-Mousson [Meurthe-et-Moselle], whose notables submitted a petition to the National Assembly in early November of 1789. The plea expressed misgivings about the potential erasure of religious orders overseeing many local institutions. The petition underscores this chapter’s point, which is that Pont-à-Mousson suggests an alternate narrative about the Revolution’s religious politics to the one we now have. The chapter shows that the foremost religious concern in Pont-à-Mousson was not the Civil Constitution of the Clergy or the 1791 Oath, but rather the preservation of its religious institutions. The campaign to preserve its establishments was owed in part to the 1768 closure of the town’s most important institution, the Université de Pont-à-Mousson. Twenty years later, town notables saw in the upcoming meeting of the Estates General an opportunity to revive their university. But the town realized by 1791 that the survival and viability of local religious institutions were out of its hands. While the townspeople had good reason and ample opportunity to oppose national legislation regarding religion between 1790 and 1794, local reaction was surprisingly muted. Nevertheless, in the late spring of 1795 the townspeople eagerly returned to their parish churches when public Catholic rites resumed. Though it appears that the townspeople’s position toward their religious institutions shifted from 1791 to 1794, a better explanation is that most during this time confined their religious politics within the private sphere, where confidence in these institutions could be better protected and preserved.
In the previous chapters the dual nature of the BBC Italian Service as both an ally and an enemy radio station has been analysed in the context of the relationship between the Italian exiles and the British government (Chapter 4); political interests in the Mediterranean on the occasion of the Ethiopian war and the battle of El Alamein (Chapter 5); and the anti-German programmes (Chapter 5). The correspondence between the BBC and the EIAR in Chapter 4 demonstrates that the two radio stations exchanged information and material until Italy entered the war. In addition, Britain’s anti-fascist propaganda only began when the Italian war in Ethiopia put British colonial interests at risk. This was not in line with the self-representation of Britain as the champion of democracy and anti-fascism. Moreover, despite the BBC’s reputation as an impartial source of information, the Italian Service contributed to the distribution of falsehoods about the behaviour of German troops during the battle of El Alamein. In this chapter the interpretative key of occupation/liberation will be applied to some issues relating to the Allies’ campaign in Italy: the unconditional surrender of Italy, the problems experienced by Italian civilians in their everyday lives (bombings, food shortages) and the relations between the Allies and the Resistance. The analysis of some programme extracts will show that, in this case also, the rhetoric of the liberation was often in contrast with the actual military interests of the Allied forces.
Setting the tone for this chapter is a written warning by the Municipal Council of Vienne [Isère] on 18 April 1790. The warning’s curious rhetoric relates to the chapter’s broader point, which is that local officials in Vienne faced a dilemma that they nonetheless managed well: they were compelled to implement religious reforms even as they realized that such changes would incur injury to their town and likely divide its citizens. What made this problem so pressing was Vienne’s Catholic institutional heft; the town had not only many institutions run by religious orders but also six parishes, two chapters of canons, and an archbishopric. As religious reforms were implemented in 1790 and 1791, a division spawned by the closure of many religious institutions emerged. One reform, parish circumscription, drew the interest of the town’s most influential priest—the abbé René Reymond, who offered a radical proposal for reducing Vienne’s six parishes down to just one. Recognizing how unpopular Reymond’s proposal was, district and departmental officials crafted a more acceptable compromise that sought to preserve two parishes and the church of a third. But when the settlement was submitted to the National Convention for its sanction in 1793, not only did the legislature scrap the compromise and decide that there would be only one new parish in Vienne; it also decreed that thereafter, parishes could be closed without national legislative approval. This little known law paved the way for closing most Catholic parishes throughout France in 1793 and 1794.
Educationalists worried not only about crowded homes and malnourished bodies, but the drabness of children’s intellectual and emotional lives. Inspectors frequently referred to ‘happiness’ as one of the most significant measures of a successful school. Nurturing a love of nature was seen as one way to foster this, judged particularly important in London, with its unambiguously urban environment. Many schools tried hard to promote the natural world to their pupils, with mixed success. These years also saw the increasing popularity of the ‘school journey’, a two-week-long educational fieldtrip, usually to a rural or seaside destination. The chapter also considers the way in which lessons in art, music and literature – the latter with a particular focus on Shakespeare – provided other opportunities to encourage creativity and attend to emotional needs. A significant number of London schools formed violin classes, for example, even in the poorest areas of the capital. It was hoped that school initiatives would impact a wider community, with school lessons used as a way of spreading certain values more widely within the neighbourhood.
Ethnography, Foucault and the study of policy production
This chapter presents the intertwining of ethnography and Foucault’s thinking tools as a methodology for studying the academies policy. Drawing on ethnographic research in an underperforming school that had recently become an academy (Eastbank Academy), the chapter explores relationship(s) between Foucault’s work and ethnographic approaches in order to make three arguments about how the academies policy is produced. First, this methodology facilitates analysis of the complex, multi-level and multi-modal nature of policy, enabling an account of the linguistic, material, spatial and pedagogical shaping of the academy school. Second, this methodological pairing shapes an analysis that moves beyond the binaries of compliance and resistance to explicate the different and contradictory ways school stakeholders engage with the academies policy. Third, the chapter discusses the importance of situated study for understanding oppressive arrangements, drawing on data extracts to illustrate the unjust potential of the production of academy status for some young people. Through the chapter this methodological combination is presented as capable of capturing the complexity of policy production, demonstrating how it informed the analysis of the contradictory ways that ‘change’ was present and presented in Eastbank Academy, why these contradictions existed, and their effects. Meanwhile, the potential incongruences of this methodological pairing – for example, the historically different positionings of power and the subject in ethnographic approaches and Foucault’s work – are ventured not as issues to be resolved but as points to be interrogated as a source of new possibilities for policy analysis.
The aim of this chapter is to provide an introduction to the key issues and themes relating to political warfare during the Second World War on a global scale; and to offer an institutional context for a deeper understanding of the BBC Italian Service, its programmes and reception. By referring to existing literature on both propaganda and the development of the BBC, the chapter details how the birth of a mass society and the technological progress of the twentieth century influenced political warfare, when ordinary men and women became the key target audiences of the propaganda of many countries involved in the conflict. The first part of the chapter focuses on the variety of approaches adopted by different countries to undermine their enemies, as well as on the introduction of two transnational tools of propaganda: radio and leaflets. Radio broadcasts, and leaflets dropped by enemy aeroplanes, allowed civilians to experience a more direct form of interaction with the enemy. The second part concentrates on the birth of the BBC and the contribution of the war to its development as a leading international radio broadcaster. In particular, it explains how the BBC’s transition from private company to public corporation led to a public educational role for British radio. This educational function was also a feature of the foreign branches established during the conflict, including the Italian Service.
In Laura Almagor’s chapter, she explicitly prioritizes scale as an analytical tool to provide a concise account of the professional life of the American-Jewish scholar Koppel Pinson. This use of the notion of scale enables us to see Pinson’s relevance by obtaining insights into various, seemingly unconnected, themes and processes within different networks and geographies. Indeed, this pioneer of the field of nationalism studies moved between abstract and concrete spaces: scholarly fields in the United States, and physical places in Europe and North America, especially in his capacity as educational director of the American Joint Distribution Committee in the German Displaced Persons camps immediately following the Second World War. However, the premise of Almagor’s contribution is that it is first of all ‘scale’ that enables the scholar to approach Pinson’s life in the most multifaceted manner possible.
This chapter explores the everyday interactions, conflicts and negotiations between schools and the working-class communities around them, and the ways these relationships were managed. In official circles, the school environment was usually valued over that of home and street. A sense of physical and ideological separation was particularly apparent during the general strike of May 1926. However, the chapter argues that schools did not always seek to impose their values in a straightforward way. Cooperation between home and school was often visible, even if relationships were complex and the power balance unequal. The angry parent appears far more frequently in surviving sources than those hundreds of thousands of parents who never had (or acted upon) any grievances. Yet many had a positive relationship with their children’s teachers. Parents could play a significant role in school life, with ties likely to be particularly strong in those parts of London which registered little mobility among its population. More often portrayed as being in a constant state of mutual enmity, the relationships between parent and teacher, home and school, and community and classroom were dynamic and fluid, changing over time and dependent on the issue at stake. Most importantly, they could be constructive as often as confrontational.