Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
Sexual violence against men and boys in conflict and displacement has garnered
increasing attention over the past decade and has been recognised in UN Security
Resolution 2467. Despite increased evidence and understanding of the issue,
myths and misconceptions nevertheless abound. The authors of this article
– practitioners and academics with extensive experience in the field
– aim to dispel ten of the most common misconceptions that we have
encountered, and to highlight the current evidence base regarding sexual
violence against men and boys in humanitarian settings. We argue that just as
there is no universal experience of sexual violence for women and girls, there
is no universal experience for men and boys, or for nonbinary people. In order
to address the complexities of these experiences, a survivor-centred,
intersectional approach is needed.
The rapprochement between Germany and Israel in the aftermath of the Holocaust is one of the most striking political developments of the twentieth century. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently referred to it as a ‘miracle’. But how did this ‘miracle’ come about? Drawing upon sources from both sides of the Iron Curtain, this book reflects on the contradictions and dilemmas that shaped the making of German–Israeli relations at the outset of the global Cold War. The book is structured around a three-phase periodisation, from November 1949 to March 1955 (marked by Adenauer’s declaration that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ready to pay restitutions to the State of Israel for the Nazi persecution of the Jews, and by the East German refusal to do the same); April 1956 to February 1960 (characterised by the entanglement of the German–German Cold War and the Arab-Israeli rivalries in the aftermath of the Suez Crisis); and finally from March 1961 to October 1969 (characterised by the Eichmann trial, the establishment of official diplomatic relations between West Germany and Israel and by East Germany’s attempts to galvanise the discontent of West Germany’s Arab partners). By breaking this twenty-year period into three different phases, the book identifies the major changes in East and West German policy-making and, in each phase, it analyses why they took place at that particular point, and how they affected the overall dynamics of German–Israeli relations, the Cold War, and of the Arab–Israeli conflict.
The rapprochement between Germany and Israel in the aftermath of the Holocaust is one of the most striking political developments of the twentieth century. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently referred to it as a ‘miracle’. But how did this ‘miracle’ come about? Drawing upon sources from both sides of the Iron Curtain and of the Arab–Israeli conflict, Lorena De Vita traces the contradictions and dilemmas that shaped the making of German–Israeli relations at the outset of the global Cold War. Israelpolitik offers new insights not only into the history of German–Israeli relations, but also into the Cold War competition between the two German states, as each attempted to strengthen its position in the Middle East and the international arena while struggling with the legacy of the Nazi past.
Following months of discussion as to whether the two Germanys should pay reparations to Israel or not, representatives of West Germany and the State of Israel met in the Netherlands to negotiate on the matter, while Arab League members, especially Egypt and Syria, intensified their efforts against the signing and ratification of any such agreement. As these efforts failed, East German envoys concluded the GDR’s biggest trade agreement yet, with Egypt. Chapter 2 supplements the literature on the so-called Luxembourg Agreement (between West Germany and Israel) by providing a detailed account of the international context in which the negotiations took place. This did not just consist of the American, British and French influence on West Germany’s decision, but also included inter-Arab disagreements as to how to face the question of West German reparations to Israel; German–German rivalry; and superpower involvement in each Germany’s dealings with Middle Eastern audiences. This multifaceted international historical angle is used to reinterpret the debates about the significance of the agreement between West Germany and Israel, and to assess how the intensifying German–German rivalry played out in the Middle East in the early 1950s.
Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial
Annika Bergman Rosamond and Catia Gregoratti
In this article we seek to extend recent debates on how the promotion of
self-reliance through vocational training and entrepreneurship has become the
new neoliberal mantra among refugee-supporting agencies, policymakers and
humanitarian actors. More specifically, we do so in the context of corporate and
celebrity-endorsed humanitarian partnerships and initiatives that single out
refugee women and girls. Informed by postcolonial feminist scholarship and
guided by Carol Bacchi’s ‘what is the problem represented to
be’ (WPR) approach we compare IKEA’s partnership with the Jordan
River Foundation (JRF) in Jordan and Angelina Jolie’s support for the
RefuSHE project in Kenya. While differences between the two problem
representations exist, both initiatives seek to empower refugee women by
activating latent entrepreneurial abilities. These, we conclude, reinforce a
saviour/saved humanitarian logic while also obscuring the gender division of
responsibilities and precarious nature of artisanal labour.
In 1962 Gamal Abdel Nasser revealed four Egyptian-made missiles on the occasion of the tenth anniversary parade of the Egyptian revolution. Much of the Israeli foreign intelligence service’s attention started focusing on the German scientists who, by collaborating with Egypt, seemed to have played a crucial role in the development of the missiles. The Israelis thus began pressuring Bonn to remove the scientists from their Egyptian posts. Reviewing the internal discussions within the East and West German governmental and intelligence establishments, the chapter contextualises the episode of the German scientists in Egypt within the broader framework of German–German and Arab–Israeli relations. Instead of giving in to the Israeli requests, many in Bonn emphasised the importance of dealing with the issue of the scientists in a way that would not negatively influence the stance of the Arab states on the German question. The majority of West German policy-makers were wary of losing Egyptian support before the upcoming non-aligned conference in Cairo, scheduled for September 1964. And, paradoxically, GDR representatives began seeing points of overlap between Israeli and East German interests.
In 2018, the global #MeToo movement turned its attention to the aid industry,
after scandals at Oxfam and Save the Children highlighted the sexual harassment,
abuse and assault prevalent in the sector. This article explores #MeToo in the
context of the aid industry (informally known by many participants as #AidToo),
particularly within a British context. The article argues that the aid industry
exists in a historical, social and political space that is particularly
volatile. The abusive behaviour of men in the sector is shaped and enabled by
race, class and gender inequalities, which undermine many of the stated aims of
international aid programmes. The humanitarian and development aid sector will
not eradicate this behaviour until it recognises how it is enabled and
encouraged by these inequalities. The article argues that the aid sector needs
to develop an ethical code of conduct around sexual relationships, harassment
and abuse that recognises power inequalities within the sector and seeks to
protect vulnerable individuals.
Humanitarian, development and peacebuilding work has become increasingly
dangerous in recent decades. The securitisation of aid has been critiqued,
alongside the racialised and gendered dynamics of security provision for aid
actors. What has received less attention is how a range of intersectional
marginalisations – gender, racialisation, sexuality, nationality and
disability – play out in constructions of security, danger and fear in
aid deployments. Focusing on sexual harassment, abuse and violence as threats to
safety and security, the article examines how in training and guidance for
deployment to ‘the field’ (itself a problematically securitised
notion), danger is projected onto sexualised and racialised
‘locals’, often overlooking the potentially far greater threat
from colleagues. Here, we employ a review of security guidance, social media
groups, interviews with aid staffers and reflections on our own experiences to
explore how colonialist notions of security and ‘stranger danger’
play out in training. We argue that humanitarianism is still dominated by the
romanticised figure of the white, male humanitarian worker – even if this
problematic imaginary no longer reflects reality – and a space where
those questioning exclusionary constructs of danger are quickly silenced and
even ridiculed, even in the age of #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter.
The unexpected capture and trial of Adolf Eichmann drew widespread attention in both East and West Germany and opens the final section of the book. In June 1962, in a meeting with the Israeli Defence Minister Shimon Peres, Chancellor Adenauer expressed his gratitude for the ‘correct and honourable way’ in which the ‘Eichmann problem’ had been dealt with. As Adenauer’s words to Peres indicate, the Eichmann affair had stirred a sense of unease, and worry, in the FRG. Both German states sent officials to Jerusalem tasked with ensuring that the trial would not have negative repercussions on their international image and prestige – or, in the East German case, to actively try and mould the trial into a political tool to wage against their Cold War opponent.
The Federal Republic of Germany and the State of Israel eventually established official diplomatic relations in 1965. This chapter challenges the familiar definition of 1965 as a moment of unprecedented harmony in West German–Israeli relations (when ‘two dancers finally begin dancing to the same tune’, to use one image employed in the existing historiography). In fact, there were such low expectations about the future of the newly established diplomatic mission in Israel that the initial location where the West German delegation set up its office was the Sheraton Hotel in Tel Aviv – so as to be ready to pack up and leave at any moment. Yet the embassy remained in place and its employees witnessed one of the most significant developments in the history of the modern Middle East: The Six-Day War. As previously neglected primary sources from the East German intelligence services (Stasi) and the Soviet Foreign Ministry show, the war further complicated the debate both on the role of the two Germanys in the Middle East, and in the international arena more broadly. Two years later, in 1969, the GDR and five Arab countries – Egypt, Iraq, Sudan, Syria and South Yemen – established diplomatic relations.