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Carlos Solar

This chapter argues for stricter civilian control over the resources, roles, and missions of the armed forces and the paramilitary (the national militarised police or Carabineros). The chapter offers evidence on the imbalance between capabilities and policy control and effectiveness for security under democracy in Chile. It sheds light on the bureaucratic challenges for civilians to manage the new financing mechanism that was introduced to replace the Copper Law, a controversial off-budget tool for arms acquisition and defence procuring. The chapter argues that a steady flow of monetary and physical resources led Chilean security forces to build a resourceful external defence in the case of conventional conflict. However, as uncovered recently, the chapter emphasises the abuses of military and police corporate privileges based on current episodes of institutional corruption and human rights neglects. The second section examines institutional capabilities, resources, and structures. It argues that the shrinking number of traditional and overseas roles has led to discussions in Chile on internal security deployment. This has exacerbated the need to rethink democratic security governance. The third section discusses issues of territorial and border control. It explores what are the perceived threats to national defence and public security and asks whether policy formulation and implementation can meet the standards of control and effectiveness. The fourth section identifies critical policy implications for democratic security arising from the above arguments.

in Governing the military
Thomas C. Bruneau

This chapter uses a framework developed to analyse civil-military relations in terms of both democratic civilian control and effectiveness. The focus is on effectiveness in security. As the achievement of effectiveness only makes sense in terms of the roles and missions implemented by the security forces in Chile, these will be spelled out. Further, to appreciate the achievement in Chile, the chapter focuses on comparative analysis with other countries that are relatively successful in achieving both democratic civilian control and effectiveness. The case studies incorporated are Colombia, Portugal, and the United States. Since few roles and missions can be proven to be successful, the focus must necessarily be on the essential elements for effectiveness; that is, they are necessary if not sufficient. Consequently, the implementation of a military strategy or policy requires an analysis as to whether these essential elements are present. In each country, strategy has some significance, relative to other cases where they have none, and there are some implementing institutions as well as some resources. The chapter concludes that control is relatively easy to conceptualise and define, and to identify the relevant institutions, and in Chile they are present and functioning. The very dynamic ‘adjustment’ of different roles and missions raises the question as to whether the current mix of strategies to resources will continue to put Chile at the top of the military effectiveness hierarchy.

in Governing the military
Open Access (free)
Chronicle narratives, class conflict and regiminal ideology between France and England, c.1330–1415
Matthew Giancarlo

This chapter addresses the dynamics of class, language and reciprocity or exchange between England and France, specifically in ideas of ‘good governance’ and proper ‘regimen’ during the Hundred Years War. Drawing on vignettes and narratives from wartime chronicles (Jean Froissart, Jean de Venette), as well as de regimine or ‘mirror’ texts (William of Pagula, Thomas Hoccleve and Christine de Pizan), this chapter argues that these shared French and English writings reveal a clear crossing of class-based and national-based identifications often at odds with the ostensible sides of the war: English and French nobility often had more in common with each other than they did with their own countrymen, just as the labouring classes were recognised as a border-crossing estate. Similarly, ideals and standards of good governance and proper regimen – as expressed in contemporary de regimine texts and poetical works (William of Pagula, Thomas Hoccleve, Christine de Pizan and others) – also display a pattern of cross-identification between supposedly opposed sides. Overall it is argued that this pattern of identity-in-difference, as it was inflected across both class and nationality, provides a unique perspective for understanding the ideological and constitutional self-images presented by contemporary writers.

in Literatures of the Hundred Years War
Open Access (free)
Calais and the Welsh imagination in the late Middle Ages
Helen Fulton

The fortified city of Calais was a key English possession during the Hundred Years War, and previous accounts of the city have been written from an English viewpoint. This chapter aims to open up a view of the city from the perspective of Welsh soldiers and migrants who lived there in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Primary source material includes examples of Middle Welsh poetry which refer to soldiers fighting in France, while comparative material in Middle English expresses ambivalent views regarding the economics of trade with Calais. The chapter is grounded in theories of migration and transnationalism and it argues that the Hundred Years War, which offered opportunities to Welshmen for overseas military duty, marked a social and political change in Wales towards a more Europe-focused perspective. The Welsh migrant, Elis Gruffydd, who settled in Calais in the early sixteenth century, exemplifies the Welsh diaspora who considered the city their home. The chapter includes a newly edited and translated Welsh poem in praise of Welsh soldiers stationed in Calais in the late fifteenth century.

in Literatures of the Hundred Years War
An eighteenth-century debate
Anna Plassart

This chapter raises questions about the widespread view that the 1790s were the radical turning point when our modern concept of poverty emerged. Anna Plassart places Edmund Burke’s famous mockery of the notion of the ‘labouring poor’ as ‘political canting language’ in the context not of the French Revolution, but of an ongoing eighteenth-century debate among enlightened social theorists about the character of poverty in modern commercial states. Burke’s indictment did not symbolise the end of paternalism and the beginning of free market liberalism. Certainly, it was a rhetorical move in response to radicalism in 1795. But he was also participating in an ongoing conversation about the concept of the ‘labouring poor’. To Burke, there were only the ‘idle’ poor: the purported ‘labouring poor’ were the expected productions of economic laws and their situation was unalterable. The framing of the labouring poor as an oxymoron was deployed by Burke, Frederick Eden, Patrick Colquohoun and Jeremy Bentham, but they were all, directly or indirectly, relying on the formulation found half a century earlier in Montesquieu’s Spirit of the Laws (1748). Through identifying the Montesquieuian origins of this critique, Plassart encourages us to think beyond the stark or binary analyses of the radical 1790s and to assess the changing status of long-established arguments.

in Ideas of poverty in the Age of Enlightenment
Abstract only
Second jobs in the spotlight
John Bowers

Voters should know exactly what their MPs are doing and precisely how much time they are spending on activities above and beyond their Parliamentary duties. The Code of Conduct of the House of Commons presently prescribes no limitations on the kinds of employment in which MPs can engage or what their salary may be from those roles, save that they should not act as ‘paid advocates’ for their employers. The media coverage of Paterson drew renewed attention to the outsized extra-curricular activities of Sir Geoffrey Cox, who had long carried on a lucrative career at the Bar alongside his Parliamentary duties. One reason for allowing MPs to carry on legal practice is that it helps to fulfil the demanding role of a law officer, which Cox had held as Attorney General, and the Attorney General still leads for the government in important cases.

in Downward spiral
Open Access (free)
The early reception of Malthus
Niall O’Flaherty

Efforts of recent scholarship to discredit the widespread view of T. R. Malthus as helping to instigate a shift from a generous paternalistic view of poverty relief to an amoral cost–benefit credo have been undermined by the contention that the cure for poverty set out in the second edition of his Essay on the Principle of Population (1803) was invariably either misconstrued or ignored altogether, and that it failed, therefore, to dislodge the gloomier outlook of the first edition of 1798 in the public imagination. Niall O’Flaherty shows, however, that the optimistic message of the second edition was both well understood and celebrated in the decade after its publication, not only by its numerous reviewers but also by those at the forefront of the campaign to reform the English relief system in parliament. There was a foundation, in other words, for a new approach to poverty that was at once anti-paternalist and humanitarian.

in Ideas of poverty in the Age of Enlightenment
How to get the party started
John Bowers

Sir Ben Elliot, a nephew of Queen Camilla, is incredibly well connected and raised the prodigious sum of £37 million for the 2019 Conservative election campaign. Mohamed Amersi, who has contributed about £750,000 to the Conservative Party, describes the present process as ‘access capitalism’. The Parliamentary Intelligence and Security Committee found that Russian influence in the UK had become a new normal. So it was no great surprise that the daughter of a banker with alleged connections to the Russian security services had contact with Savid Javid, Suella Braverman and Mark Spencer through her carefully targeted donations. The institution that should hold the ring is the Electoral Commission, which was set up in 2000 by the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA). PPERA enhanced its investigatory powers and gave it a wider jurisdiction to impose civil sanctions on political parties to support its regulatory functions.

in Downward spiral
Carolyne Larrington

This chapter considers issues of performativity and performance. Namely: what work does emotion ‘get done’ within Middle English literary texts, whether as simply advancing the plot by providing narrative motivation and action or as performing more complex tasks? Feelings have a key role in constructing the imagined secondary worlds of different genres, filling in the details of the social norms that obtain in particular contexts. Making use of Reddy’s concept of the ‘emotive’, the chapter also examines how the gap between character interiority and external display is bridged and discusses when emotion can be construed as end-oriented performance, intended to have a particular effect on its witnesses. Access to interiority via performativity is often intermittent or manipulated by the narrator in order to vary the focalisation of the story; here emotives may offer a confirmatory meta-analysis on changes within the emotional self. The chapter engages with such concepts as sincerity and pretence and their relevance to arguments about the development of concepts of interiority, the purposes of public performance and ritual behaviour, and the elaboration and maintenance of the courtly persona in line with social expectation and situational pressures. It concludes with a case-study of a highly performative and gendered emotion: danger, a behaviour expected of high-status women, but which opens them up to resentment and criticism on the part of the men who demand it of them.

in Approaches to emotion in Middle English literature
Patrick Colquhoun’s Treatise on Indigence (1806)
Joanna Innes

Joanna Innes investigates the polymath and reformer Patrick Colquhoun’s views on poverty, as expounded in his Treatise on Indigence (1806). She reminds us that the reconceptualisation of poverty in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was not always primarily in the realm of abstract political economy. Treating Colquhoun as one of a generation of British metropolitan reformers and thinkers reconceptualising poverty and crime, Innes outlines what was distinctive about his thought while acknowledging that he was not necessarily the most sophisticated or innovative of commentators. What is interesting about Colquhoun is how we can chart his professional engagement with poverty and his use of new empirical data to inform his arguments about how indigence might be ameliorated. Colquhoun was no armchair political economist but someone with sustained first-hand experience of dealing with both the labouring and indigent poor. But he was one of a clique of connected philanthropists who informed the attitudes of a subsequent even larger generation of reformers and commentators who broke with the vision of the Old Poor Laws.

in Ideas of poverty in the Age of Enlightenment