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The golden age
Peter Morgan Barnes

The expansion and popularity of pasticcio between the 1660s and the 1780s in many artforms is far from monocausal, but this chapter proposes that pasticcio practices in art were a reflection of how eighteenth-century people performed the self. In a reaction against the embedded factionalism of the previous century, a cult of civility became widespread among the elite and the self-conscious construction and performance of a public self (or selves) was also created through borrowing and assemblage. Pasticcio practices in art were thus complemented by pasticcio in personal behaviour. Another parallel explored is the relationship between opera production and the period’s mania for collecting. Collections, both public and private, are necessarily assemblages of pre-existing parts and pasticcio was a means of bringing narrativity to a collection, conscious and overt or merely implied. Sculpture restorations and operatic pasticci both tailored classical stories to neoclassical tastes and the works of an alien culture to contemporary British mores. Lastly, the chapter examines the vexed issue of pasticcio in conceptions of musical property, arguing that nineteenth-century perspectives often have been too readily projected backwards into the eighteenth century. Pasticcio is argued to be rooted in earlier, orally derived, conceptions of music as property.

in Pasticcio opera in Britain
History and context

A pasticcio opera is a new opera created from pre-existing parts, a creative process which has been in use for as long as the artform itself. This book argues that pasticcio is a method rather than a genre, one that was already widely used before the term was coined in the eighteenth century, and continued in use long after it dropped from favour. Nor is the method unique to opera: pasticcio poetry, plays, sculptures and film scores continue to be made. Yet all kinds of pasticcio art came under pressure in the nineteenth century as Romantic conceptions of originality and authenticity married with a rise in the importance of text over performance. A main argument in the study is that this shift from performance tradition to text was part of a wider societal transition from a proto-literate society with many oral inheritances – of which the pasticcio method was one – to a mass-literate society. A narrow canon and an ever-contracting operatic repertoire were the result in Britain, a contraction which continued for much of the twentieth century. Yet pasticcio did not disappear in the nineteenth century, as was once thought, and the book discusses its surprising continuation and proliferation. Today, it is enjoying a tentative revival.

This book explores memory politics and its impact on the quality of peace in societies transitioning from a violent past. Situating the book in the literature of critical Peace Research and Memory Studies, the authors introduce the idea that the quality of peace is affected by the extent to which memories are entangled. It advances and employs an original theoretical framework to study mnemonic formations. Mnemonic formations are societally salient topics regarding a particular facet of a conflict-affected society’s memoryscape that bring memory and politics together. We investigate mnemonic formations through the interplay between sites, agency, narratives and events. Acknowledging the entanglement of memory in mnemonic formations, this book renders visible the fluidity of memory-making and the political frictions between competing memories. It provides rich empirical case studies that analyse and compare mnemonic formations in Cyprus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Rwanda, South Africa and Cambodia. Through this comparative investigation the book assesses how and why memory politics contributes to the construction of a just peace or the perpetuation of conflict, or nuances in between. This analysis shows that three elements of memory politics play a key role in relation to the quality of peace: inclusivity, pluralism and dignity. Suggesting that memory politics affect the quality of peace, the book concludes that when the mnemonic formation consists of multiple, intersectional entanglements and overlaps, there is more room for just peace.

Aled Davies
,
James Freeman
, and
Hugh Pemberton

This chapter considers the pension 'problems' that worried the 1979–83 government. The first was how to protect pensioners from inflation without creating an ever-widening gap between the retired and working generations. In different forms, this problem was understood as one of redistribution, intergenerational fairness, and an instance of a 'ratchet' effect, whereby small measures led to ever more extreme distributional effects over time. The analysis shows how the government sought to redress this not via system change but by adjusting how it administered the existing apparatus. The second problem identified was the proportion of resources that society would need to devote to pensions of all kinds in future and whether and when this would become unsustainable. This 'burden' of pensions was debated and defined through public speeches and technical work by officials within government. By 1983 it provided enough of an imperative that the government returned to office in June that year no longer felt limited to outflanking industry interests and pursuing reform within the existing system but, instead, began seriously to attempt revolutionary change. Through this account, the chapter offers a new characterisation of the Thatcher government’s first term. Rather than a government lacking the radical zeal of its successors, it shows that Thatcher’s first administration was frustrated by the feeling it had boxed itself in. In policy fields such as pensions, the chapter argues, the first Thatcher government is best thought of as practising 'problem discovery' through a neoliberal lens.

in A neoliberal revolution?
Nivedita Menon

Insurgency means to ‘rise up against established authority’ but not necessarily with arms. To be insurgent is to resist an established order. How, then, can a constitution be insurgent? Does a constitution not establish an order? Yes, generally a constitution is a set of principles that legitimises a new order. However, it would be a mistake to read the Indian Constitution as expressing a singular will and a singular order. It is misleading to see the Indian Constitution as a document emerging from reasoned debate among adversaries, representing different, even conflicting, points of view, in which a balance was reached, or sought to be reached, between individual and community rights, between centre and states. Rather, if we study debates in the Constituent Assembly or over the First Amendment, what we find is that rather than people trying to understand one another, there are people talking past one another; that opposing motivations come together to produce an apparent consensus that we tend to recognise in terms of existing codes – ‘liberal democratic’, ‘bourgeois’, ‘Hindu Right’, and so on. If we remove this familiar grid, however, we may be able to tell a different story. In the contemporary moment, the instances of three movements – the pathalgadi movement in the tribal belt across Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and Odisha; the campaign against Section 377 that criminalises same-sex desire; and the Campaign for the Right to Information – are examined to reveal a politics of what I term ‘insurgent constitutionalism’.

in Theatre, activism, subjectivity
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Aled Davies
,
James Freeman
, and
Hugh Pemberton

Although its manifesto had given no hint of radical change, within months of its election in 1983 Margaret Thatcher’s second government was embracing pension reforms of breathtaking ambition. Had they been implemented, the reforms proposed would have led to the effective destruction of the occupational pensions enjoyed by about half the workforce, and of the State Earnings-Related Pension Scheme (SERPS) that covered the remainder. In place of these collective approaches, a new system of individualised, compulsory, and much more risky 'personal portable pensions' would be backed up by a minimalist basic state pension. This chapter focuses on the attempt to substitute personal private pensions as the second tier of the UK pension system and, in the process, sweep away the country's system of employer-provided occupational pensions. The chapter explores the emergence of the personal pensions idea and explains how it came to be embraced at the heart of government. The analysis shows how this radical (neoliberal) proposal was championed by the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS) and others as the solution to long-running problems through the investigations of the 'Fowler Inquiry' in respect of pensions. The chapter reveals the lines of resistance that these architects of change encountered from various stakeholders before explaining how the eventual outcome of this neoliberal policy development was embodied in the 1985 Green Paper on social security reform.

in A neoliberal revolution?
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Kathleen Thompson

Hariulf describes his reasons for writing and how he has gathered materials. It was customary to begin and end such works with poems and there are two in this section, together with a list of the abbots, which is corrected in the light of modern scholarship in the appendix to the introduction

in Hariulf's History of St Riquier
Victoria Stewart

In Mary Renault’s 1940 novel Kind Are Her Answers, Kit, a married doctor, has an affair with Chrissie, a young aspiring actress who is the niece of one of his elderly patients. Renault reconfigured these narrative elements in Return to Night (1947): here, Hilary, a female doctor, embarks on a relationship with Julian, a younger man who has theatrical ambitions, after treating him for a head injury. This switching of genders and the shifts in relationship dynamics it brings in its train might partly be explained by considering these taboo heterosexual relationships as encoded explorations of same-sex desire. But these novels also contain considerations of professional and personal identity that are gender-specific and which intersect with how Renault maps the relationship between the domestic sphere and the workplace. Kit and his wife live in the same building that houses his consulting room; his relationship with Chrissie is partly conducted in her room at her aunt’s house, which has a private entrance, and in the summer house at this property. Hilary, meanwhile, lodges with another woman but her rooms, like Chrissie’s, have their own entrance, allowing Julian, who lives with his mother, to visit her surreptitiously. Key scenes between the couple also take place in a nearby cave system. Placing these disruptions of the boundaries of the domestic, and the search for a space in which desire can be enacted apparently independently of social demands, in historical context can help to point up the particular gender concerns of these novels. Kind Are Her Answers makes no reference to external historical or political markers, while the action of Return to Night is situated in 1937–38. Both novels, then, engage obliquely with the intertwined pressures of domestic space and professional identity that became much more pressing to their original readerships, and particularly their female readers, in the wake of the Second World War.

in Mid-century women's writing
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Waking the dead in literature, theatre and performance
Author:

Reanimating grief is a wide-ranging study of the poetics of bereavement in theatre, literature and song. It examines the way cultural works reanimate the dead in the form of ghosts, memories or scenes of mourning, and uses critical and creative writing to express grief’s subjectivity and uniqueness. It cover classic texts from Greek tragedy and Shakespeare to works by Anton Chekhov, Samuel Beckett, Enda Walsh, Sally Rooney and Maggie O’Farrell. The book argues that the return of the dead in theatre and fiction is an act of memorial and an expression of love that illustrates the relationship between art, enchantment and impossibility.

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Dragan Todorovic

While desperate struggles that involve all the traditional elements of protest (skirmishes with security forces, mass arrests, victims of the state-inflicted violence) still take place on the ground, the internet has emerged as a new site of political debate, persuasion, and confrontation. What used to be about actual people on the actual ground, barricades, oppression, tear gas, and truncheons, now is mostly about avatars, pictures of witty placards, and online pressure. How does activism from online platforms correspond to actions on the ground? Does it aid or hinder new scenarios of resistance? Are the results better? To grapple with these questions, I will draw from a range of political movements from a broadly Left-leaning political spectrum and from different socio-political and geographical contexts that have at least one commonality – they are all initiated and organised online. Manifesting in a modified scenario of traditional protest struggles, the intermittent protest emerges here as a prominent mode of activist-organising.

in Theatre, activism, subjectivity