Chapter 5 examines how the movement interacted with, and influenced, the nationalist Sinn Féin Party, which advocated complete political separation from Britain, and the labour movement. In particular, Sinn Féin utilised co-operative ideas to develop a distinctive economic plan for a theoretical Irish Republic. The breakdown of law and order and increased state violence during the Irish War of Independence threatened the existence of the co-operative movement. During 1920–21 reprisal attacks carried out by Crown forces targeted co-operative societies. By using the correspondence of local societies and contemporary news reportage this chapter considers the ways state violence undermined co-operative behaviour among the rural population and how this meant certain aspects of economic development experienced permanent setback of the eve of political independence.
The conclusion summarises the overall arguments presented in previous chapters about the importance of the co-operative movement to rural development in Ireland. The long-term perspective employed throughout the book highlights the way in which the Irish co-operative movement responded to, and shaped, key political events as Ireland moved towards independence. In the years after Irish independence, the IAOS and co-operative societies played a crucial part in delivering economic policies. Finally, a note is made about the state of co-operation in Ireland in recent years.
This introduction emphasises the importance of economic issues and debates in the formation of the Irish state and argues for a greater consideration of rural dynamics in understanding the emergence of an Irish modernity. The economic experimentation that occurred in Ireland under the auspices of the co-operative movement reflected a transnational interest of the problem of rural life. While arguing that an understanding of the Irish Question during the late nineteenth century needs to take a fuller account of rural economic change, the chapter contextualises the history of the Irish co-operative movement within wider debates focused on the global uptake of co-operative principles. This chapter introduces key concepts that are used throughout the book such as co-operation and development.
Chapter 3 explores the co-operative movement’s changing relationship with the state in Ireland as it attempted to cultivate a co-operative population prior to the First World War. Horace Plunkett used his prominent position to lobby for the establishment of the Department for Agriculture and Technical Instruction (DATI) for Ireland. A subsequent co-ordination of state and co-operative resources briefly shaped agricultural policy in the early years of the twentieth century. The chapter explores the factors that led to a radical reorientation of the relationship between the DATI and the IAOS after 1907 and the financial implications this had on the movement. The split between the state and movement led to an uptake of co-operative ideas by radical nationalists. This had long-term implications for the emergence of a new nationalist political economy in Ireland.
Chapter 1 explains the origins of the Irish co-operative movement and places it within both a national context of a rapidly changing society and economy, but also within an international uptake of co-operative ideas. The co-operative movement’s values and objectives are scrutinised in the context of an increasingly polarised political climate. Irish co-operators tried to respond to social issues such as rural depopulation and perceived economic decline while promoting a particular vision of rural modernisation. Despite attempts to remain apolitical, the movement at the level of local organisations preached robust economic nationalism. The Irish movement’s relationship with the British Co-operative Wholesale Society is analysed to highlight the ways in which co-operative movements competed aggressively with one another. The chapter outlines the ideological underpinnings of the co-operative movement and how its economic mission led employees and members towards a nationalist position.
This chapter examines how Marshall Plan documentary films about
reconstruction in Greece mobilised national culture and identity politics in
their audio-visual rhetoric. Addressing the films’ humanitarian narratives,
the chapter suggests Marshall Plan documentaries inaugurated a visual
politics of neo-humanitarianism. It analyses how classical antiquity is
evoked in the films to stand not only for Greece’s reconstruction but also
for Western Europe’s future and its alignment with the US vision of a
geopolitical ‘pax Americana’. Focusing on Humphrey Jennings’ The Good Life
(1952), the chapter explores a historical dialectic between modern and
classical Greece that positions the Marshall Plan aid within a dual
perspective of national reconstruction and universal necessity.
This chapter considers the limitations of political consumerism as a channel
for a humanitarian impulse and explores whether the everyday practice of
consumption can be a space of care and concern for international justice.
Analysing the consumption of children’s toys and the online discussions of
boycotting ‘unsafe’ toys, the chapter explores how a neoliberal parenting
culture in the West, which promotes a highly individualised and intensive
model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a
global international humanitarianism. While social media provides
opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it is
argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and
that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics
Offline and online games, branding and humanitarianism at the Roskilde
Lene Bull Christiansen and Mette Fog Olwig
This chapter asks whether it is possible to harness the powers of ‘the
popular’ and media culture in the service of humanitarianism. There is a
need to critically balance an analysis of the potentially progressive and/or
problematic aspects of a popularised humanitarian event. Exploring the
energies that are at play in the popular ‘carnival’ of the Danish Roskilde
Festival, this chapter examines how the carnivalesque can function both as a
form of corporate branding and as a means to destabilise the status quo
identified with a negatively branded segment of the population. The chapter
also analyses the expansion of the festival into cyberspace, and the
offline–online interconnectivity of the festvial’s humanitarian events
The management of migration between care and control
The representation strategies and discursive practices enacted by a wide
range of state and non-state actors present the Mediterranean Sea as the
setting of a perpetual emergency. European and national political agencies,
military authorities, humanitarian organisations and activists have been
representing migrants crossing borders as a significant problem to be
managed in terms of a wider social, cultural and political ‘crisis’. This
chapter focuses on the ambiguities and contradictions that bedevil
discourses and practices around control and care of human mobility in the
Mediterranean. It addresses the role of ‘crisis’ narratives and the
hyper-visibility of the ‘military-humanitarian spectacle of the border’ in
obscuring the political stakes surrounding European borders.
This collection interrogates the representation of humanitarian crisis and
catastrophe, and the refraction of humanitarian intervention and action, from
the mid-twentieth century to the present, across a diverse range of media forms:
traditional and contemporary screen media (film, television and online video) as
well as newspapers, memoirs, music festivals and social media platforms (such as
Facebook, YouTube and Flickr). The book thus explores the historical, cultural
and political contexts that have shaped the mediation of humanitarian
relationships since the middle of the twentieth century. Together, the chapters
illustrate the continuities and connections, as well as the differences, which
have characterised the mediatisation of both states of emergency and acts of
amelioration. The authors reveal and explore the significant synergies between
the humanitarian enterprise, the endeavour to alleviate the suffering of
particular groups, and media representations, and their modes of addressing and
appealing to specific publics. The chapters consider the ways in which media
texts, technologies and practices reflect and shape the shifting moral,
political, ethical, rhetorical, ideological and material dimensions of
international humanitarian emergency and intervention, and have become integral
to the changing relationships between organisations, institutions, governments,
individual actors and entire sectors.