This chapter examines an interpretative freedom, the 'magical' and 'fluid' construction of the Kosovo phenomenon, in both Western and Serbian discourses. It considers how power can be derived from the art of repetition that is how 'security' can be created and maintained by sticking to a single message and spreading it as widely as possible. The chapter argues that this is a quandary inherent to the nature of repetition. The phantasmata were made physical in many ways during the Kosovo war. Language games referring to 'love for one's fatherland', 'honour of the war-dead', 'cruel massacres of innocent civilians' and 'genocide' were at once mysteriously intangible and forcefully concrete. These linkages materialised in the power of weapons on both sides; weapons which, just by themselves and detached from the phantasmal, would have been powerless.
This chapter takes a look at the theme of strategic culture and uses it as an approach to security studies. It first examines several existing studies and conceptions of strategic culture, before it discusses a new definition of strategic culture. It then creates a conceptual framework that can be adapted to the case of Germany. This chapter reveals that strategic culture now presents a practical alternative to the more traditional rationalist approaches in security studies.
One major theme in discussions of New Labour and the Third Way more generally has concerned the Third Way's credibility as a social democratic force. Anthony Giddens's Third Way rests on a social theory of modernisation and globalisation and uses the notion of 'generative equality' to propose a new model for social policy. Private Finance Initiative (PFI) has been seen as an important part of the government's strategy to modernise public services and an economically feasible way of rebuilding the decaying public infrastructure, especially in the health service.
This part assesses some of the approaches, attitudes and assumptions surrounding the role of community and of communitarianism in the Third Way as manifested in Britain by New Labour. For Amitai Etzioni, 'cultivating communities where they exist and helping them form where they have been lost should be a major priority for future progress along the Third Way'. The part provides a challenge to accepted beliefs about the role of community and of communitarianism in New Labour's Third Way.
The Third Way is presented as a triumph of style over substance and the product par excellence of a soundbite political culture. A critical engagement with the discourse of the Third Way is integral to an understanding of the political character of New Labour, as well as in the forging of viable alternatives. The Third Way theory offered by Anthony Giddens has been appropriated by New Labour and other Centre-Left actors only selectively, where it is of use in developing the enduring agenda.
All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.
Most people who talk of political obligation have one thing in mind: the citizens' duty to obey the laws in their own country. This chapter discusses whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment and whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. Socrates believed that people had a moral duty to obey the law. It is a very strict duty based on an agreement they have made. Dissatisfaction with consent theory has led political theorists to consider other possible grounds of an obligation to obey law. The arguments based on consent, on gratitude for benefits, and on fair play have been looked at in turn and each has failed. Some have concluded from this that there simply is no obligation, no moral obligation, for everyone to obey all laws in their own country.
A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this
book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates,
organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format.
The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of
significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945,
a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral
data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended
to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European
This introduction presents an overview of key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book explores how experiences in Kosovo have changed the discourse of European security. It provides new and stimulating perspectives on how 'Kosovo' has shaped European post-post-Cold War reality. The book aims to contribute to the insecurity of the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on the Kosovo events. It investigates how 'Kosovo' has developed into this principal paradigmatic sign in the complex text of European security. The book also investigates how its very marginality has emphasised the unravelling fringes and limits of the sovereign presence of what 'Europe' thinks it stands for, and how it affects the discourse on European security.