Hanna Pfeifer

Lebanese Hezbollah is arguably the most powerful armed non-state actor currently active. Founded as an Islamic resistance movement against Israeli occupation in the 1970s and 1980s, Hezbollah is considered a terrorist organisation by several Western states and, since 2016, by the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council. Since 2015, it is known to have been involved in several armed conflicts in the Middle East, most importantly as a supporter of the Assad regime in the Syrian civil war, but also as a provider of military training for resistance groups in Iraq and Yemen.

At the same time, however, Hezbollah representatives have been part of all Lebanese governments since 2011 and they occupy a number of seats in Parliament. Finally, Hezbollah is also a very active provider of social and welfare services in the Lebanese South and the Beqaa.

For all of the roles it takes, Hezbollah has often been described as a hybrid organisation, which escapes established typologies of both Islamism and terrorism. The chapter, based on the author’s field research in Lebanon, seeks to explore and map the variety of recognition practices that revolve around Hezbollah. It analyses what kind of recognition Hezbollah seeks from different audiences, among them the Lebanese and transnational Shiite community, the Lebanese people, competing political parties in Lebanon, and Western and Middle Eastern states, as well as international organisations. It traces how recognition-granters react to Hezbollah’s claims and what consequences these parallel processes of recognition, non-recognition and mis-recognition have on inner-Lebanese and regional conflict dynamics.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
What we have learned and what lies ahead
Harold Trinkunas

This chapter assesses the overall contribution of this volume to the understanding of the role of recognition processes in resolving internal conflicts between states and armed non-state actors. It finds that this volume demonstrates that recognition among actors in conflict is an important part of resolving conflicts, but that actors and audiences for recognition acts face important political, psychological and legal limits to their use of this mechanism to further the cause of peace. The chapter concludes that emerging trends such as the fraying of the liberal international order, the return of great power competition and the rise of deliberate disinformation campaigns online may make it even more difficult to use recognition to resolve conflicts in years to come.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Chien-peng Chung

The chapter analyses the Chinese government’s practices towards the Uyghurs as a form of mis-recognition. In particular, it argues that, while the government has granted the Uyghurs some forms of economic participation and pursued policies of affirmative action, the dominant strategy remains that of delegitimising the Uyghurs’ identity claims.

The chapter unfolds its argument by engaging different concepts of (mis-)recognition for analysing the Chinese government’s behaviour towards the Uyghurs. First, it introduces the concepts of mis-recognition and labelling, and contextualises those within the broader recognition literature. It demonstrates how the Chinese government made use of the terrorism label in order to delegitimise the Uyghurs’ political grievances. It goes on to discuss the notions of respect and disrespect, and the dichotomy between recognition and redistribution, arguing that the latter cannot replace the former and may even amount to mis-recognition: the framing of the Uyghurs’ problem as economic grievances precisely undermines their quest for recognition as an indigenous Turkic Muslim community in China’s Xinjiang region. The chapter argues that being recognised in terms of one’s own identity is essential to transforming Uyghur armed non-state actor (ANSAs) into non-violent actors. It discusses the question of whether to talk to ANSAs among the Uyghurs or not and, based on this, formulates policy recommendations.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Bénédicte Miyamoto and Marie Ruiz

The neutrality of the academic position is a fiction that is never more exposed than when dealing with social injustice and experiences of dislocation and othering. To conclude this reflection on art and migration, the academic authors join the interviewees in their disclosure of self and its borders. They partake in a reflexive exercise to consider the intersections of structure and agency in this volume. What social position do they hold, and what meaning, processes, and practices have they deployed? They acknowledge, each in turn, their multi-layered positionality and the embedded social and political issues related to gender, race, and culture. They remind themselves and the readers that the migrant experience varies in degrees of hardship according to the subjects’ position in systemic and oppressive structures. They reclaimed throughout the volume the term ‘migrant’ specifically because they see it as capacious rather than defining. This personal conclusion affirms that the experience of migration remains fragmented and fluid, allowing for a flexible definition of migrant communities.

in Art and migration
Studies in honour of Graham A. Loud

This collection honours and reflects the pioneering scholarship of Graham A. Loud in the field of Norman Italy (southern Italy and Sicily c. 1000–c. 1200). An international group of scholars, edited by Joanna H. Drell and Paul Oldfield, addresses a diverse range of subjects, reassessing and recasting the paradigm by which Norman Italy has been conventionally understood.

Norman Italy’s uniqueness has long rested on its geographic location on Latin Europe’s periphery, a circumstance that intermixed Latin Christians with Byzantine Greeks and Muslims and fostered a vibrant multiculturalism. While elements of this characterisation remain valid, continuing scholarly exploration is sparking a rising awareness of cross-pollination between Norman Italy and the wider medieval world in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The collection’s studies underscore that Norman Italy was not just a parochial Norman or Mediterranean entity but also an integral player in the medieval mainstream. This volume consequently endeavours to move the field’s emphasis beyond the frontier and to articulate both Norman Italy’s contribution to broader historical currents and the impact in turn of these currents upon Norman Italy, an instance of reciprocal influence perhaps surpassing the sum of its parts.

This focus leads the volume’s scholars to explore many broader realms within which Norman Italy was integrated, including the secular and monastic church, aristocratic networks, the papacy, crusading, urbanisation, Byzantium and Islam.

Christopher T. Green

As Indigenous art has been exhibited at international biennials in greater frequency over the last three decades, contemporary Indigenous artists frequently retrace colonial pathways and directions of movement along the axis between North America and Europe. This chapter asks how such retracing manoeuvres reconceptualise the organising geometries of modern Western liberalism in the global art world and its foundation in colonial and imperialist histories. Building on previous studies of the exhibition of Indigenous art on the global art stage, the text critically evaluates such axial movement. It draws on Gerald Vizenor’s concept of transmotion to describe how recent projects by Indigenous artists at the Venice Biennale conduct deimperialising gestures by establishing new sites of Indigenous sovereign motion at European centres of empire. Without relying on essentialist and archival tropes, the chapter shows that recent projects by Maria Hupfield, Nicholas Galanin, and Alan Michelson draw on transmotive geometries, movements, and non-linear epistemologies to assert Indigenous spatial politics.

in Art and migration
The case of the Provisional Irish Republican Army
Carolin Görzig

According to ripeness theory, a conflict becomes ripe for resolution when a ‘mutually hurting stalemate’ coincides with a ‘way out’. This chapter deals with a non-state armed group that became ripe for identity change: the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA).

Based on field research in Northern Ireland, this study of PIRA helps to paint a differentiated picture of ripeness theory. PIRA leaders acknowledged friends and enemies and therewith became ripe to question their identity. Thus, friends like the African National Congress in South Africa helped PIRA leaders to recognise a way out in the first place by emphasising that they learned how to win through politics rather than violence. Learning from enemies such as the UK and the Unionists, in turn, contributed to PIRA’s perception of a mutually hurting stalemate. Furthermore, both – the mutually hurting stalemate and the way out – had to be sold by the leaders to their follower base. The recognition of PIRA leaders as role models around the world thereby contributed to their capacity to convince the follower base.

This case study is revealing with regards to how ripeness is realised and negotiated when friends and enemies are acknowledged. It helps to grasp the complexities of ripeness by complementing ripeness theory with a view of how a non-state armed actor realised, acknowledged and recognised itself and others.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Love in a damp climate
Author: Nigel Mather

Sex and desire in British films of the 2000s examines how film-makers in British cinema rose to the challenge of portraying a wide-ranging set of individual characters’ personal desires and intimate encounters, past and present, as the social, political and economic landscape changed during the twenty-first century. The book aims to demonstrate that key British films of this era succeeded in engaging with the themes of love, sex and desire in productive, imaginative and thought-provoking ways. The study includes chapters on the lives, loves and troubled relationships of Oscar Wilde, Sylvia Plath and Iris Murdoch, and an examination of the Bridget Jones film trilogy following her emotional journey from the ‘edge of reason’ to marriage and motherhood. The chapter entitled ‘The way we live now’ focuses on dramas centred on relationships taking place in modern times and settings, while the chapter ‘Sex and sensibility’ takes a close look at movies such as The Look of Love, 9 Songs and I Want Candy, which explore sexual desires in fascinating, unpredictable and controversial ways. An afterword considers how the 2011 film Perfect Sense brings to vivid life the differing ways in which a deadly virus can affect intimate and personal relationships between human beings. The book examines a series of complex and compelling films which explore how we may currently live out our hopes, fears and desires in relation to sexual matters and affairs of the heart.

The case of the Islamic State
Tom Kaden and Christoph Günther

The purpose of this chapter is to analyse the ways in which the Islamic State generates and upholds its message through what are termed recognition orders, that is, complex sets of recognition by various actors for various traits and reasons, as well as complex sets of claims for recognition towards various actors as to what is to be recognised about the Islamic State in which way. This means that any act of recognition, non- or mis-recognition is part of a social relationship between those granting (or denying) and those the act is directed towards. Consequently, recognition and its others (non- and mis-recognition) are constituted reciprocally.

Considerations are based on an examination of twenty-three authoritative statements as well as a few texts and videos wherein the Islamic State’s ideologues emphasised particular sets of traits the group aspired to being recognised for as well as sets of actors from which the group sought recognition. These sets of traits and their variation correspond to the series of organisational stages the Islamic State underwent before and after its proclamation as the Caliphate in 2014. The chapter proposes two different sets of analytical questions, the answers to which reveal the complex recognition regime of which the Islamic State is part. The history of the Islamic State and its predecessor organisations is shown to be highly volatile in terms of the content and scope of the recognition it demands.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Thomas Stubblefield

In their focus on possible identities, meanings and events, the martial networks of US drones enact a shift from producing a definitive world picture to overseeing the ground from which such representations emerge. The mobilization of data that makes this possible, conflicts with the historical goals of surveillance and reconnaissance operations. Rather than identifying discrete individuals, the kill chain collects the partial traces of metadata in order to produce the actors necessary for a strike. These relations allow drones to penetrate the world directly, to work through and as instead of upon its objects. In this way, drone power shifts from the symbolic to the ontological; its operations become one of world-making. Using work by Trevor Paglen, Noor Behram and others, this chapter examines the ways in which the above relations resurface in the context of drone art and the larger attempt of this genre to reimagine its subject by way of this convergence.

in Drone imaginaries