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The growth of terrorism and counterterrorism in Nigeria, 1999–2016
Jennifer Giroux and Michael Nwankpa

Violence in Nigeria has many forms – from crimes like kidnapping and robbery to political violence, including terrorism and insurgency, to police and military brutality. It's necessary to appreciate how each form relates to specific contextual conditions and to other forms of violence, which are often overlapping. Since Nigeria regained civilian rule in 1999, the term ‘terrorism’ is increasingly part of national discourse. The government refers to countering terrorism within the framework of its national security agenda, and insurgent movements have increasingly used terrorism within their violent campaigns. While terrorism in Nigeria has been growing, analysis tends to consider the phenomenon in isolation and ignore its connections to other forms of violence, and how state responses drive violent non-state groups to adopt new tactics and escalate conflict. To fill this gap, this chapter looks at how terrorism is understood and experienced in Nigeria, and how its conceptualization shapes the practice of counterterrorism. It traces how the conceptualization of terrorism and practice of counterterrorism have changed over time by analysing international and domestic factors – including the impact of 9/11 – and the societal impact of Nigeria's transformation from military to democratic rule, plus the recent insurgencies in the Niger Delta and the northeast.

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
A mixed set of perceptions
James W. Peterson

Presidents Putin/Medvedev and Georgia W. Bush both adopted basically unilateralist approaches towards the three wars. There was commonality in all three wars, for each took place within ethnically divided states: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Georgia. Russia was wiling to permit American access to Central Asian air bases in republics that had previously been part of the Soviet Union. However, there was considerable controversy between the two over the Gergia war as well as the war in Iraq. Presidents Bush and Obama both utilized a common surge strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan, but the final results in each were disappointing in terms of the continuing turmoil within the two nations. One positive feature of the effort in Afghanistan was support by NATO through its International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), whereas no allied naions provided help to Russia in its incursion into Georgia. Both nations incurred considerable costs, the Russians in global public opinion and the United States in considerable depletion of its treasury.

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
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Brice Dickson

The final chapter picks up on the call in Chapter 5 for a via media, that is, not for the status quo or for a new comprehensive written Constitution for the UK, but for a discrete Act of Parliament – a Constitutional Reform Act – which will address pressing needs by formally re-constituting the UK as a federation of four parts, protecting a wider range of human rights and with better remedies for breaches of those rights, devising a fairer mechanism for distributing funds from the central government to the three devolved areas, and setting out what the goals of the new federation should be. The Brexit process is an opportunity to re-define the features which the new UK wishes to project in the world – a commitment to peace, democracy, security, human rights, equality and fairness. Maintaining a focus on that more limited reform agenda stands a better chance of strengthening the union between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland than a simple written Constitution will do, however comprehensive it claims to be.

in Writing the United Kingdom Constitution
Brazilian approaches to terrorism and counterterrorism in the post-9/11 era
Jorge M. Lasmar

This chapter examines how international terrorism has impacted Brazil in the post-9/11 era and transformed its counterterrorism policy. It begins by noting that Brazilian politicians have long suggested that terrorism is someone else’s problem and that the political and cultural choices that the government has made have somehow immunized it to the terrorist threat. This perception has been durable, despite the actual evidence of terrorist group operation inside the country. In the post-9/11 era, external pressure from the United States has forced counterterrorism onto the agenda of the Brazilian state, but political deadlock has meant that relatively little legislation criminalizing terrorist activity has been passed. The state also still lacks effective counterterrorism policies due a dearth of expertise on the subject, the lack of a consolidated strategy to guide institutional actions and the inexistence of a systemic legal framework to structure counterterrorism policies. As a result, in terms of international cooperation, Brazil may be seen as an ‘involuntary defector’ from the international coalition against terrorist actors.

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Series: Pocket Politics
Author: Brice Dickson

This book is about what steps should be taken to ensure that the United Kingdom does not fragment. It examines the state of play concerning the devolution of powers in the UK and considers the impact which the Brexit process could have on devolution in the future. It contributes to the debate about what a post-Brexit UK should look like and whether now, at long last, the nation needs a comprehensive written Constitution. After looking at the present situation concerning the protection of human rights in the UK, and by drawing lessons from the experiences of four other common law countries in operating written Constitutions – the USA, Canada, Australia and Ireland, it concludes that the UK should not seek to acquire a single written Constitution and that a much more useful advance would be to turn the nation into a federation. Far from endangering the Union, which is already fragile, a formalised federal structure could strengthen the bonds between the four constituent parts of the UK and encourage all of its people to strive towards upholding a value-based set of national goals articulated in legislation. The book argues that a Constitutional Reform Act should be enacted to create the federation, while retaining the country’s name as ‘the United Kingdom’. The same Act should make related reforms such as reconstructing the House of Lords, adopting a UK Bill of Rights and creating a fairer method for deciding how funds should be allocated by central government to the three devolved regions.

Irene Chan

China’s responses to terrorism since around 2008 have been seen in the West as an attempt to jump on the bandwagon to justify Beijing’s long-term religious, cultural and political suppression of the Uyghur community, both internationally and domestically. Uyghur activists and human rights advocates have long decried the liberal use of the term ‘terrorist’ by the Chinese authorities as well as their tendency to conflate ethnic, religious and violent activities. On the other hand, China has often criticized Western approaches to counterterrorism and attempted to promote its own measures as a better alternative. This chapter seeks to address the questions raised by such issues as China’s definition of terrorism and how China’s resistance to and criticism of the US-led counterterrorism campaign has reshaped the domestic conceptualization of terrorism and the subsequent implementation of countermeasures.

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Tarek Younis

The chapter offers a reflexive account of the author’s own cowardice to condemn calls for condemnation. Younis looks at that terrible marriage of cowardice and silence – each begetting the other. It is one thing to not condemn, it is another to know deep down that silence, a failure to ‘condemn condemnation’, is born of an ever-present desire to remain seen, recognised and validated. Younis shares a personal account of a time when he consulted for the Montreal police, as part of a special committee which discussed Muslim/Arab concerns. It was not uncommon to discuss issues regarding terrorism/radicalisation in these meetings. When they arose, the narrative remained static: yes, there are ‘bad Muslims’ out there, but there are ‘good Muslims’ (especially in the room) who were model citizens. Model-ness, their very being, was thus the physical manifestation of condemnation. Though misgivings at this thought, he learned to assert (and fail at asserting) his apprehension at other times. Chiefly the chapter charts how silence was often an act of cowardice with its rewards: recognition and trust by those in Power, and at one time a ‘get out of interrogation free card’ at US–Canada border control. But silence is suffocating, as he expresses how he learnt to withhold his thought. This chapter is about how cultures of condemnation result in a yearning to be seen by Power, so that those who are accused can find its ‘good’ light.

in I Refuse to Condemn
Adam Elliott-Cooper

Charting the response by authorities since the 2011 ‘riots’ following the killing of Mark Duggan, Adam Elliott-Cooper assesses the ways in which Black lives and culture have been pathologised as potentially dangerous through the policing of the Nottingham Hill Carnival and drill music. The chapter takes influence from Stuart Hall’s notion of ‘moral panic’ in his 1978 book Policing the Crisis in relation to what was then presented as a specific problem of ‘mugging’ within Black communities by presenting the four stages of moral panic. Taking the reader on a journey through the way the media, politicians and the general public have responded to drill music, the chapter goes through their shock, anger, sadness and finally acceptance of the cost that must be borne by Black communities through increased profiling and policing. While Elliott-Cooper is a scholar resisting racism, he simultaneously cannot escape its violence as he demonstrates how he is expected to condemn his own communities in the process of calling for alternative ways of understanding cultural forms of expression. Although providing a critique of public policy and the development of what the author calls public safety racism, it also operates as an important autho-ethnographic account of the complex ways in which racism operates in the UK.

in I Refuse to Condemn
Lowkey

Returning from ‘the Jungle’ refugee camp in Calais, Lowkey describes an interaction with a border officer feigning friendliness. The rapper, who had been at the camps to assist as a translator on a pro bono basis, is being quizzed on his views alongside his friends, leading to a series of reflections on the covert and overt forms of violence that exist within this moment. This chapter focuses on how in the seeming normal world that all of us occupy, there exists a shadowy underworld of profiling and algorithm-based assessments that turn our innocuous activities into ones that are pathologised as being potentially dangerous. Lowkey writes of his rap music in particular, and how it has been used by Prevent at times, and at other times been barred from mainstream airplay. What is always clear is that it is not the form that is the issue, but rather the messenger and his message. Lowkey’s reflections in this chapter remind us that there is a disparity in the power and control those who resist have from those who exert control from inside a system of structural racism – but that ultimately there are ways of holding on to your own ethics, while challenging that very structure.

in I Refuse to Condemn
Saffa Mir

This chapter charts Saffa Mir’s journey experiencing racism from her schooling until her employment within the legal sector. Through this period she becomes an activist fighting racism and prejudice, but questions at what point she realised that her call for freedom and liberty for all would be met with resistance from those who said they also wanted freedom and liberty for all, but which didn’t include those who looked like her. During her university education she would sit in her counter-terrorism lecture not daring to be outspoken for fear of being reported to Prevent. A fear which is a reality for many around the UK, a fear which led to her co-founding Preventing Prevent at Manchester, a campaign to resist its implementation. A fear which awakened her as an activist and to take a stand against this discriminatory piece of legislation. During her term as vice-president of the Federation of Student Islamic Societies she would lead on the nation-wide campaigning on Students Not Suspects and Islamophobia Awareness Month in the hope of ensuring young people of colour, especially Muslims, had the language, the tools and the capacity to build coalitions to campaign against the securitisation of the academy. Mir’s chapter presents how, despite being a subject of racist profiling policies, she was able to actively resist against the policies that profiled and racialised communities of colour.

in I Refuse to Condemn