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Abstract only
Sean W. Burges

The mechanisms through which Brazil Inc. has moved out into the world is complex and variagated, involving obvious foreign policy and state financing initiatives and integrated cooperation amongst Brazilian firms and trail-blazing by some of the larger former state-owned and private enterprises. This chapter begins with a review of the liberalization of the Brazilian economy in the 1990s before turning to shifts in foreign direct investment patterns of the Lula era. These elements then set the stage for an exploration of how foreign policy iniatives have supported the internationalization of the Brazilian economy as a strategy for advancing national development and how the outward expansion of the economy has supported growth of Brazil's influence in South America, Africa and beyond. The dense networks of Brazilian corporate ownership captured by Sergio Lazzarini's 'capitalism of linkages' had an important impact on the internationalization of Brazilian business.

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

Brazil's multilateralist impulse emerges as something of a contradiction, demonstrating strong elements of positive active engagement and soft obstructionism. Drawing on Brazil's long-standing interest in multilateralism, diplomats argued that it was in the national interest to strengthen multilateral rules and frameworks as an avenue for enhancing the country's international insertion. The extent to which multilateralism was used to shift orientations of structural power and protect Brazilian autonomy is evident on the regional level of Latin America and on the South American continental level. The important point for the argument in this chapter is that the institutional weakness of the regional multilateral arrangements advanced by Planalto and Itamaraty is exactly the outcome sought by Brazilian foreign policy.

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

Brazilian foreign policy is primarily concerned with questions of structural power, not relative power. The difference that comes with the Brazilian focus on structural power considerations over relative power preoccupations is one of tone and conduct. The focus on structural power over relative power also allows a broader understanding of how a generalized national agenda might be advanced through non-state instruments. Central to Brazil's foreign policy since at least the early 1990s has been the expansion of South-South linkages to create new, alternative pathways to development, security and political consolidation. One suggestion prevalent in the literature is that Brazilian foreign policy collapsed during the Dilma years. The expertise and professionalism at Itamaraty proved crucial during the Dilma years for keeping the foreign policy project in motion despite presidential disinterest.

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

Brazil and US are geographically vast with immense national populations that produce a great deal of what is consumed domestically. The story in this chapter is how Itamaraty's iron grip on foreign policy formulation and decision making has been eroded since the completion of the Brazil's democratic transition. The tale explains the function and operation of Itamaraty, Brazil's highly professionalized foreign service. The chapter explores how factors such as the rise of presidential diplomacy and the increasing internationalization of Brazilian business and government have emerged as new pressures in the foreign policy debate across the Cardoso, Lula and Dilma presidencies. Attention is given to how Itamaraty has worked to manage this debate and incorporate these disparate voices in the foreign policy process in a manner that leaves final decision making power within the Palace walls. The chapter concludes by setting out the emerging politics of foreign policy making in Brazil.

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

To flesh out o jeito brasileiro, or the Brazilian way, this chapter sets out the essential building blocks of any essential jeitinho. First, it puts forward the Brazilian outlook on the world, one that at times is simultaneously realist and idealist. Second, the chapter sets out the broad strategies employed by Brazil to achieve its foreign policy goals. Brazil risks little and whenever possible tries to pursue its policies in the company of others. This is evident in the seven tactics outlined, which focus on a preference for multilateralism with weak institutionalization and a carefully constructed identity as a supporter of Southern solidarity who simultaneously adopts a remarkably tough negotiating attitude to all-comers. The seven tactics are avoiding mindless opposition, collectivization, consensus creation, technocratic speak, building new organizations, propagating new thinking, and principled presidential righteousness.

in Brazil in the world
Abstract only
Sean W. Burges

This chapter explains that Brazil is the dominant military actor in South America, which brings an added element of security and opens new space for leadership. It looks at how this freedom to manoeuver has been worked into national defence and security policy, allowing these ostensibly military fields of public policy to become new vectors for pursuing national development as well as the regional and South-South leadership central to the larger foreign policy priority of reframing the nature and application of structural power. Discussion of security relations with South America, Africa and the US highlights the persistence of a geopolitical approach to strategic thinking concentrated on maximizing national autonomy and excluding foreign powers from a wide space around Brazil. The high level of intra-continental security is magnified by Brazil's geostrategic location in the South Atlantic, far from the main axes of conflict in the North Atlantic and Middle East.

in Brazil in the world
Sean W. Burges

Brazilian foreign policy makers focused on a subtler morphing of the structures of regional and global politics and economics to create more space for their country to pursue its interests. Rather than trying to develop a complex theory of Brazilian foreign policy, the approach taken in this chapter is that foreign policy analysis remains something of an art. The significance of the consensual hegemony for discussion of Brazil's autonomy-protecting foreign policy lies in the concept's Gramscian roots. One way of applying the theoretical discussion of autonomy and power in a foreign policy analysis approach is to think about the constraints and freedoms impacting a state's room for manoeuver in the world and the pressures brought to bear upon decision makers. Brazilian foreign policy makers want to position their country as leader, but are almost pathologically averse to explicitly stating this role or accepting the implicit responsibilities.

in Brazil in the world
Abstract only
Sean W. Burges

This chapter contextualizes Brazil's shift in identity to 'global trader', exploring what this has meant in terms of trade policy on a regional, South-South and global level. At the core of the story is the shift from inward-orientation to export-oriented development that was initiated during the short-lived Fernando de Collor de Mello presidency, which in turn helped drive a deeper internationalization of the Brazilian economy. The critical inflection point for reconstituting Brazil's trade policy is the commencement of the Lula presidency in 2003, which explicitly recognized the changes not only in the Brazilian economy, but also in the international agricultural trade landscape. A series of summits Brazil organized between South America and Africa as well as the Arab world kept the same implicit logic of trade expansion found in efforts to move Cardoso's infrastructure integration programme to deeper economic and political cooperation.

in Brazil in the world
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Kings, wars and an interstate system
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

The Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) shaped several of the characteristic features of Europe’s territorial states. A most important feature was the centralization of political power, expressed in a royal monopoly of command. The advent of centralized monarchies gave rise to a distinct interstate system in Europe. The interaction of monarchs was theorized in term of the twin doctrines of royal absolutism and mercantilism. The arguments of Robert Filmer reflect the attitudes of the age. But the chapter singles out British philosopher Thomas Hobbes for special attention. Hobbes’ discussion of sovereignty and of order and security are distinctly modern. His arguments are informed by an influential contract philosophy – which Benedict Spinoza later applied to interstate relations and developed a modern understanding of international politics as a ‘natural’ or ‘pre-contractual’ condition, characterized by a ‘war of all against all’. The chapter introduces the arguments of Émeric Crucé and Hugo Grotius to contrast and critique the theories of Hobbes and Spinoza.

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Systems and structures in an age of upheaval
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

The Cuban Missile Crisis was a turning point in the Cold War. On the one hand, the crisis convinced the two superpowers of the necessity to establish diplomatic relations and regulate their nuclear arms race. On the other hand, the superpower competition for influence in the Third World increased, as the USSR began to support rebel movements which opposed the colonial domination of Western powers and fought to obtain self-rule and sovereign status for their nations. During the 1960s, national liberation-movements in Africa and Asia introduced radical, anti-capitalist arguments to scholarly IR. Not only did the number of theoretical traditions increased from two to three – in addition to Realism and Rationalism, there emerged a radical, revolutionary tradition; this revolutionary tradition, based on the anti-capitalist political economy of Marx and Lenin, gained an enormous influence. This chapter examines the way in which the new logic of structuralism affected and altered IR theory. In particular it traces the impact of structural analysis during the 1970s by discussing the very different theories of Immanuel Wallerstein, Kenneth Waltz and Hedley Bull.

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)