In this concluding chapter, we examine how far William Osler’s injunction – to just listen to the patient – is heeded in today’s NHS. We assess the value of gathering stories in this way as a contribution to truly listening to patients and their families. We reflect on the extent to which the spirit of the NHS Constitution is being upheld, especially in relation to whom the NHS belongs. From the stories we identify five dimensions to care which is organised around patients: kindness, attentiveness, empowerment, organisational competence and professional competence. We compare these themes with the case and the evidence for patient-centred care outlined in Chapter 1. We consider what the stories tell us about the things that patients value, the extent to which these things are put into practice, and what the obstacles are. We reflect on the five themes as the basis for a call to action for improvement. We discuss vital questions of context: in particular, straitened funding and workforce shortages in the NHS, and the experiences of COVID-19. Finally we touch on future trends, for example the rise of digital healthcare, and consider the implications for better organising care around patients.
The book concludes by reflecting on the contribution of this research to
understand other cases of negotiations with armed groups listed as terrorist
organisation as well as implications for policy. It argues that
international proscription makes pre-negotiations longer and more
protracted, in effect reshaping how peace processes can be initiated.
International proscription regimes criminalise both the actor and the act of
terrorism. The chapter calls for an end to this amalgamation between acts
and actors. By focussing on the acts instead, international policy would be
better able to consider the violent actions both of armed groups and those
of the state.
This book set out to analyze the legacies of the post-9/11 global war on terror, underscoring the impact of the counter-terrorism policy it produces on the operationality of CSOs. It examines countries that have been understudied despite their having one of the most repressive CTMs. It also re-examines other countries, while documenting unique issues that have emerged over the years as a result of the increasing pressures of counter-terrorism policy on CSOs, which was not captured by previous works. The book is also concerned about how CSOs made sense of and reacted to these new government security measures. We discovered from the contribution of authors specific underlying themes that illuminate states’ increasing constraints and exploitation of civil society organizations in the Americas, East and Western Europe, Southeast Asia, MENA and Sub-Saharan region. Thus, in this concluding chapter, we re-examine these themes highlighted in the introduction as a way of summarizing the importance of the discoveries of this book in aiding our thoughts on the intersections between CTMs and CSOs in various parts of the world.
This chapter highlights how the dynamics of the environmental debate in Sweden changed during the early 1970s. Partly, it was the new environmental movements that raised the level of conflict. However, representatives of the establishment were also profoundly involved. The first part of the chapter examines the media storm that erupted after Hans Palmstierna gave a speech on work-environment issues at the Factory Workers’ Union’s congress in Stockholm in August 1971. There he accused researchers of pursuing the interests of business, rather than workers and society. Axel Iveroth, managing director of the Federation of Swedish Industries, struck back and a heated debate ensued. One of those who sought to moderate the tone – to no avail – was Birgitta Odén. The second half of the chapter is devoted to the large future debate that followed upon the publication of biochemist Gösta Ehrensvärd’s paperback book Före – Efter: En diagnos [Before – after: a diagnosis] in 1971. The book became a major bestseller and sparked open controversy when in February 1972 the nuclear physicist Tor Ragnar Gerholm published a counterpart named Futurum exaktum. Taken together, the chapter demonstrates that the environmental debate of the early 1970s was increasingly polarized and politicized.
"This book examines the intersection between national and international counter-terrorism policies and civil society in numerous national and regional contexts. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) against the United States led to new waves of scholarship on the proliferation of terrorism and efforts to combat international terrorist groups, organizations, and networks. Civil society organizsations have been accused of serving as ideological grounds for the recruitment of potential terrorists and a channel for terrorist financing. Consequently, states around the world established new ranges of counter-terrorism measures that target the operations of cCivil society organizsations exclusively. Security practices by states have become a common trend and have assisted in the establishment of a “‘best practices”’ among non-liberal democratic or authoritarian states, and are deeply entrenched in their security infrastructures. In developing or newly democratized states (those still deemed democratically weak or fragile), these exceptional securities measures are used as a cover for repressing opposition groups considered by these states as threats to their national security and political power apparatuses. This book serves as a critical discussion accounting for the experiences of civil society in the enforcement of global security measures by governments in the America’s, Africa, Asia-Pacific, Central Asia, Europe (Western, Central, and Eastern), and the Middle East.
The post-9/ 11 global security regime and the securitization of civil society
Richard McNeil- Willson and Scott N. Romaniuk
This chapter maps the development of global security architecture in the context of the “new terrorism” security paradigm, and the impact this is having on civil society – creating challenges for community integration, securitizing political dissent, and potentially advancing fundamental social and economic inequalities. It argues that the inequalities of counter-terrorism represent an internalization of racism associated with colonialism into the heart of the Westernized (but not Western) state model through the language of security. This has blurred the line between what have been traditionally defined as “democratic,” “authoritarian,” and “hybrid” states to such an extent that they are rendered problematic in their usage in a counter-terror context. As such, more radical approaches to theorizing the relationship between terrorism and counter-terrorism need to be considered.
This chapter discusses a rare exception to the archival silence surrounding
the experiences of VD sufferers in the interwar period: the personal
correspondence of Dr T.P.C. Kirkpatrick, one of twentieth-century Ireland’s
foremost VD specialists. Written by current and former patients, their loved
ones and other health professionals between 1924 and 1947, the 120 letters
which comprise the Kirkpatrick collection offer an unparalleled insight into
the medical, social and emotional experiences of VD sufferers and those who
supported them during a formative period in British and Irish state welfare
provision. By close-reading these letters through a regional and
four-nations history perspective, this chapter contradicts a range of common
assumptions about the knowledge, agency and self-understanding of VD
sufferers. It charts how, amid the mixed welfare economies of interwar
Ireland and Britain, current and former patients sought to leverage the
recently established state-funded VD Service to achieve their desired social
and healthcare outcomes. It reveals how, in their engagement with medical
professionals, sufferers and their loved ones strategically performed their
gender, age and class identities to solicit aid and advice. It also explores
the transformative effect that treatment for VD had on individuals’ capacity
to understand and describe their body in a period in which a cultivated
ignorance of sexual matters was the norm. In doing so, it offers a rare and
unusually direct view into the intimate lives of Irish people and their
attitudes towards sex, sexual health and medical authority during a period
of significant social and political upheaval.
Chapter 7 brings together the analysis of the three empirical chapters by
assessing the overall impact of proscription on the dynamics of getting to
the table in the case of Colombia. It goes on to assess the lingering
effects of proscription throughout the negotiation process and in the post
agreement phase. It argues that the intense polarisation and stigmatisation
accompanying the terrorist framing still remained an issue for the ongoing
transition of the listed armed group into political life and for longer-term
reconciliation efforts in Colombia.
This chapter address the issues of when, how, and with what consequences modern environmental movements emerged. The focus is on the organization Nature and Youth Sweden and its engagement in and for the environmental turn. The organization had originally been founded within the older nature conservation tradition (which emerged in the nineteenth century). Hence, through this organization it is possible to study youth involvement before, during, and after the major breakthrough of environmental issues. The study demonstrates that the organization, beginning in the autumn of 1967, was politicized and radicalized (partly influenced by the rise of the New Left). Towards the end of the chapter, Nature and Youth Sweden is situated in the broader landscape of the new environmental movements that emerged in the early 1970s.
This chapter focuses on how the big breakthrough of environmental issues in the autumn of 1967 paved the way for diverse forms of popular engagement. The chapter is based on Hans Palmstierna’s preserved correspondence. This unique material makes it possible to access students, senior citizens, priests, bank directors, trade unionists, and public-school teachers. How come all these people wrote to Sweden’s foremost environmental debater? How did knowledge of a global environmental crisis affect their lives? The chapter also tells the story of what Hans Palmstierna himself actually did to make things happen. In February 1968, he left the Karolinska Institute to take on a position at the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (the first in the world, established in 1967). In addition, he collaborated with Folksam (Sweden’s largest insurance company at the time) to launch the youth campaign Front Against Environmental Destruction. This initiative was the first large-scale attempt to create an organized environmental movement in Sweden.