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The Conservative Party and Africa from opposition to government
Danielle Beswick

Under David Cameron’s leadership from 2005 the Conservative Party embarked upon a campaign to rebrand the Party in the minds of voters. In the arena of international policy, a commitment to meet development spending targets and to maintain a separate Department for International Development marked significant shifts in Conservative approaches. Despite this, there is little analysis of the role of international development in rebranding, repositioning and redefining the Party. Even less attention has been paid to the particular role that Africa plays in these processes, in sharp contrast to extensive research on Africa’s role in relation to the self-identification and projected images of Labour Governments and leaders. This chapter begins to fill this gap. It analyses party documents, speeches by members of Cameron’s inner circle, and commentaries by Conservative media and the wider UK press to explore how Africa has featured in a narrative of change in relation to Conservative Party identity. In doing so it considers the role of Africa in defining a new Conservative identity as projected at three levels: within the Party, to potential voters and on an international stage.

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
A comparative case study of Cameroon, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda
Ivica Petrikova and Melita Lazell

This chapter explores the securitisation of UK development aid from the pre-2010 Labour Government to the post-2010 Conservative-led Government. It does so by examining official policy discourse in Department for International Development (DFID) aid programming in five sub-Saharan African countries: Cameroon, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda. It finds that, in line with the development discourse, aid securitisation as conceptualised here progressed in the five case-study countries gradually between 2002 and 2015. The most notable change from Labour to the Coalition Government in this regard was the higher preference to channel ‘securitised’ aid to countries of more strategic importance to the UK. A closer look at three examples of ‘securitised’ aid projects implemented by Conservative-led DFID unfortunately demonstrates that such projects are not likely to contribute to one of the key aims of securitised aid provision: the sustainable reduction of conflict and instability in the recipient countries.

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Construction of the African Union’s peace and security structures
Kasaija Phillip Apuuli

The chapter discusses the role of the UK in supporting African Union (AU) peace and security structures, particularly the AU’s Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), since 2010. It argues that UK Governments – especially that led by Tony Blair (1997–2007) – gave Africa policy a high profile characterised inter alia by a desire to build the capacity of African states and institutions. Nevertheless, the chapter also notes that since the year 2010, when the Labour Party lost power, tensions, contradictions and ambiguities in the UK–AU/APSA relationship have emerged, partly exacerbated by the continued illegal immigration of Africans to Europe, and the UK intervention in Libya in 2011 in total disregard of African views on the matter.

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
David Curran

This chapter explores United Kingdom (UK) engagement with United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations on the African continent since 2010. It takes a chronological approach, and argues that while it is difficult to identify a single overarching policy towards UN operations on the African continent, there are identifiable trends which have influenced how policymakers have treated the topic. First, there are varying degrees of scepticism as to the motivations, politics and practicalities of UN missions. Secondly, the UK’s interactions with Africa-based peacekeeping operations have generally been undertaken on a political level, be it in the chamber of the UN Security Council, through the UN Secretariat or through financial and bilateral contributions. At a time when the UK is re-engaging with UN peacekeeping on the African continent, the chapter reflects on where UK policy has come from and where it may go in the future.

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Kai Oppermann and Klaus Brummer

Chapter 5, by Kai Oppermann and Klaus Brummer, addresses veto player approaches. The main contribution of veto player approaches to the study of public policy has been to provide a toolkit for the comparative analysis of the dynamics and obstacles of policy change across regime types and policy areas. Specifically, veto player approaches suggest that the possibility and conditions for policy change in a given polity depend on the veto player constellation, that is, the number of veto players and veto points, the distribution of preferences between veto players and their ability and incentives to employ veto power. While veto player arguments have already found their way into FPA, the chapter makes the case that the theoretical and empirical potential of such arguments for the study of foreign policy has not yet been systematically exploited. Against this background, the chapter first outlines the core tenets of veto player approaches and overview show they have been applied in public policy. Then, the discussion focuses on the transferability of such approaches to the field of foreign policy. This is followed by an empirical illustration of a veto player analysis of Germany’s policy regarding the foreign deployment of its armed forces.

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Sanctuary and security in Toronto, Canada
Graham Hudson

The sanctuary city movement is a transnational human rights-based response to non-status migrants living and working in global cities. In many ways it is an oppositional mode of politics that challenges the exclusive authority of central governments over migration and political membership. Borrowing from critical legal geography, academics speak of the city as a ‘scale’ of urban belonging that can supersede national or international scales. However, clusters of practices, networks, and rationalities of governance are not necessarily confined to one scale. Urban securitisation is an apt example, where national governments cast off constraints of ‘high law’, shifting mechanisms of border control to regional and local scales. Research in Canada, the United States, and elsewhere demonstrates that local police, state authorities and, indeed, non-state actors, participate in the management of the (perceived) risks that non-status migrants pose to state and citizen. In this context, this chapter examines the uneasy relationship between sanctuary and security in Toronto, Canada. It does so by reflecting on the utility of the concepts of jurisdiction and temporality in better understanding how the securitisation of irregular migration has taken hold in the city. Placing this process in historical and jurisdictional context, it explores possible antidotes to urban securitisation.

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Rescaling migration, citizenship, and rights
Jonathan Darling and Harald Bauder

This chapter introduces the main focus of the book, and discusses a range of current work exploring debates on migration, citizenship, and rights focused on sub-national spatial scales, including the urban, the neighbourhood, and the spaces of everyday life. The introduction thus examines some of the ways in which migration is experienced, politicised, and policed when framed as a concern for cities, communities, and everyday life, rather than purely for the policies, rhetoric, and imaginaries of the nation-state. The chapter works through three key bodies of work to explore this rescaling process and to set the framework for the rest of the collection: first, the increasing devolution of mechanisms of security and border enforcement to local levels, and to cities in particular, suggesting a growing governance of migration at the urban level; second, the growth of sanctuary movements across the Global North, from social movements and campaigns to the legal establishment of sanctuary cities; and third, the connections between cities and forms of irregular migrant activism that seek to contest the boundaries and nature of citizenship. In exploring these areas of recent debate, the introduction establishes the context for the collection’s two main parts – sanctuary cities and urban struggles.

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Ben Rogaly

Following Britain’s referendum over continued membership of the European Union (EU) in June 2016, the future status in the UK of nationals of other EU countries has become the subject of intensified political debate. Meanwhile, EU nationals from central and eastern Europe have been subject to xenophobic attacks as part of a wider post-referendum spike in racist abuse. This chapter is concerned with local-level struggles by nationals of central and eastern European EU countries for a ‘right to the city’. It uses the case study of Peterborough, where relatively large numbers of migrants have travelled to settle and work. The demands made by international migrants for voice and representation in city governance and for housing and workplace justice can be seen as struggles over the nature of citizenship at the scales of the factory, the warehouse, and the neighbourhood, as well as the city. In the context of ongoing, multi-scalar, quasi-colonial governance of ‘difference’ in Britain, this chapter argues that such citizenship struggles need to be understood alongside (and in relation to) those of other working-class people. These include long-term residents, migrants from elsewhere in the UK, and both ethnic minorities and the white British ethnic majority.

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
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Migrants’ squats as antithetical spaces in Athens’s City Plaza
Valeria Raimondi

This chapter critically addresses the temporary reception of refugees and asylum seekers in Europe, by focusing on the everyday forms and practices of resistance that migrants put in place, primarily to counter the 'illegalising' policies of EU states. Conceptually, the chapter connects critical citizenship studies with autonomy of migration debates, to discuss the immobility – or the 'temporality of waiting' – of the prolonged moment during which migrants are stuck in the net of EU migration policies. The chapter focuses on a specific form of refugee response initiative – a self-reception system in the form of the City Plaza in Athens (Greece), a disused hotel that has been squatted by migrant activists and refugees to produce a space of accommodation and social support. The chapter argues that through City Plaza, we witness practices of 'autonomous geographies' that constitute forms of self-provided 'alternative' welfare, capable of extending and renegotiating the status of citizenship and enacting diverse forms of solidarity. In addition, they provide a discursive space of political legitimation, while acknowledging alternative and non-state forms of 'citizenship in motion'. The chapter is based on six months’ fieldwork in Athens, living and working at City Plaza as a refugee accommodation and solidarity space.

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
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Expanding geopolitical imaginations
Jen Bagelman

This chapter draws attention to a dynamic range of arts-based sanctuary practices emerging across diverse geographies. By explicitly attending to these artful practices, the chapter offers an understanding of sanctuary as more than a sum of government policies and initiatives. More specificallty, the chapter asks: what role do these practices play in constituting and mobilising discourses of sanctuary? The chapter argues that these creative expressions might be collectively understood as ‘sanctuary artivism’. Artivism is politically significant for three key reasons. First, it exposes forms of everyday and ‘slow’ violence often invisiblised through a state-centric lens. Second, by affectively and intimately revealing insidious forms of violence, sanctuary artivism emboldens collective forms of resistance. Finally, sanctuary artivism enacts generative solidarities and modes of citizenship that exceed statist forms of political belonging. Contra a growing body of sanctuary scholarship, the chapter argues that these sanctuary expressions cannot be adequately understood through traditional scales of the city, the nation, or even the planet. Rather, these sanctuary politics are better understood through the register of the ‘global-intimate’. The chapter concludes by calling for a deepened understanding of, and engagement with, the global intimacies of sanctuary artivism as vital components in building more expansive geopolitical imaginations.

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles