Ranavalona III counted among a very small number of reigning women monarchs anywhere in the world in the late nineteenth century. Ranavalona's reign, removal and life in exile present interesting perspectives on gender, monarchy and colonialism. After the removal of Ranavalona, the French tried to replace monarchical panoply with republican pageantry and power. The pomp and defiant stance of the monarch at her coronation in 1883 had weakened into impotence by 1895, and Ranavalona could do little but acquiesce to French demands. For the French colonial historian Marc Michel, 'on the eve of French intervention, both the Malagasy society and state were in the midst of a major crisis, a ripe fruit was ready to fall'. The French continued to control Madagascar until it regained independence in 1960. The Malagasy might applaud the French gesture, and pledge fealty to the Republic, but disappointed expectations would fuel anti-colonial nationalism.
This chapter examines the tours of Napoléon and, on his first visit, Empress Eugénie to Algeria, setting them in the context of the emperor's energetic colonial and international policies. It briefly considers in relation to other travels of the imperial couple and their son, the prince imperial also named Napoléon. The chapter shows the variety of journeys undertaken by members of royal families, including ones deposed from their thrones. It demonstrates the way in which experiences and impressions during a tour, such as Napoléon's brief first visit to Algeria, contributed to the formulation of policy, and how that second tour both revealed and obscured conflicts inherent in colonialism. Napoléon had considered having himself crowned in 1852 as 'King of Algiers' as well as Emperor of the French, but he invested limited effort in Algeria during the first years of his rule.
Mohammed V maintained contact, directly and through intermediaries, with the Istiqlal Party at home, where the situation was becoming dire. His banishment and the installation of Arafa, rather than quelling discontent, had aggravated unrest and stoked anti-colonialism. The question of revamped colonialism, autonomy or independence also played out, though in varying ways, in French North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. Mohammed's banishment greatly enhanced his reputation among nationalists, and among promoters of decolonisation in France and internationally in general, and it underlined the sultan's place as the keystone in Moroccan politics. The French hoped that a fatigued and humiliated Moncef Bey would quietly retire, but his chief minister, M'hamed Chenik, strengthened the bey's resolve. The French exiled Abd el-Kader and his family to France, ultimately housing them in the grand Renaissance château at Amboise.
The chapter offers a genealogy of the IODE, detailing the structure of the organisation and placing it in imperial context. It shows how the IODE's set-up has itself represented its vision for Anglo-Canadian identity, and Canada's place within the Empire. The IODE fitted very closely with the imperial propaganda clubs, a number of which were founded at the end of the nineteenth century in Canada and other parts of the Empire. These were conservative movements that sought to foster imperial patriotism. Furthermore, patriotic expression was the initial primary objective of the IODE. Formed during wartime, the IODE set out to bolster and support nation and Empire, and all work took place in a patriotic context that was concerned with citizenship. In this way, it differed from other charitable organisations that did not have patriotism as their primary concern. As an organisation of female imperialists, the IODE was situated between the mostly male patriotic clubs and the women's organisations.
By the time George Lamming wrote In the Castle of My Skin, he was able to translate the fear, misery and violence he had witnessed into a sophisticated literary analysis of the complexities of poverty and powerlessness. His arrival in Britain coincided with an explosion of Caribbean literature and poetry. Freedom was essential if the individual was to become fully human and the ego whole rather than incomplete. For Lamming, the search for authenticity necessitated a profound reworking of the colonial relationship. All of Lamming's fiction is concerned with migrants, leaving or returning to the Caribbean. He has been as involved in politics as in literature and for over a decade published no novels, focusing instead on critical, editorial and political work. His aesthetics led him to reflect on authenticity and oppression, to translate those philosophical musings into political action and critical reflection on the lingering impact of colonialism.
George Padmore represents a particular variant on the theme of emigration which underwrites the story of twentieth-century Caribbean intellectuals. He was an intellectual formed deep in the vortex of the age of extremes, and for most of his life he espoused positions which others perceived to be both extreme and fanatical. He was also inducted into politics in the USA and through Communism, though from the outset he was fired by the injustices of race and colonialism. The main contours of Padmore's political thought from the days of The Negro Worker to the time of the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 are reviewed. Padmore showed every sign that he had mastered the culture of the colonisers, having learned to inhabit Englishness at perfect pitch. He expressed the elementary truth that colonialism has neither moral nor intellectual justification.
On 26 August 1913, Emma (Meg) Gehrts embarked on a one year journey to the German “Schutzgebiet” Togo. She accompanied the explorer and film‐maker Hans Schomburgk to perform the female lead in the first movie filmed on site with African supernumeraries, called “The White Goddess of the Wangora.” As the first European woman to set foot into many villages of the hinterland, her pale skin sent little children screaming, afraid of an ugly man‐eating monster. Gehrt’s travel journal has been lauded as one of the primary examples of German “humanistic” colonial literature, characterized by a growing respect of African peoples and their cultures. In contrast to this interpretation, this chapter argues that her text was in fact part of a multimedia complex (also including film and photographs) which was located in both, British and German colonial discourses alike. It sketched an intricate picture of the preconceptions, misunderstandings, and bargaining processes that structured the African‐German encounter.
This chapter focuses on the accomplishments of Gordon, once appointed governor-general of the Sudan. Gordon felt compelled to remain in Khartoum and the Government did not have courage order him to withdraw. The Government endorsed the plans of Wolseley and his Red River veterans for an expedition up the Nile as a purportedly less expensive, less risky and less difficult option than constructing a railway from Suakin to Berber, with another 200 miles upstream to Khartoum. The ensuing expedition involved the despatch of 9,000 men and 40,000 tons of stores and munitions up the Nile. Wolseley arrived in Cairo on 9 September 1884, with plans to send his soldiers by train and steamer to Wadi Halfa, then south of the second cataract by specially designed whale-boats. Wolseley's forces remained in the Sudan until mid-summer despite failing to relieve Gordon, who was killed in the storming of Khartoum (26 January 1885), and Graham commanded another 13,000 soldiers in operations near Suakin.
This chapter focuses on the progress of missions with the history, the literature, the customs, and the mythology of Indian people, and which combined a general view of this interesting field, with the advancement of the truth. The notion of caste emerged during the formative stages of the British imagination of India. Caste attracted the hostility of evangelicals because it was seen as a powerful barrier to conversion, enlightenment and progress, and the mainstay of arguments against intervention in Indian customs. And yet caste was understood with neither rigour nor consistency. The term caste was used interchangeably with race, sect, tribe and even nation to denote a population seen to possess common traits. Indeed, it was this versatility that promoted the cavalier use of caste to provide pseudo-scientific status to theories on the nature of Indian society.
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips and Shurlee Swain
This chapter traces the story of the expansion of the British Empire up to the mid-1830s in North America, southern Africa and Australasia, and offers a subsequent reappraisal of colonial administration in these regions. An overview of Britain's gradual acquisition of settler colonies as men and women of European origin appropriated Indigenous peoples' lands in these regions is presented. In the later 1830s, British imperial policies towards the rights of the Indigenous peoples of the Empire, and towards the political rights of settlers, made as they were from the British Empire's center in London, showed a degree of uniformity. The settler colonies later diverged from the central control to form their own governments. The key tensions from which these differing paths emerged can be illustrated by examining the content, recommendations and subsequent implementation of two influential reports, both emanating from the British Parliament of the 1830s: the Report of the Select Committee on Aborigines of 1837 and the Report on the Affairs of British North America, or the Durham Report, of 1839.