This chapter reflects on the UK’s use of proscription, and the implications
of this for our knowledge of national security today. The historical and
relational contexts explored in the book demonstrate – we argue – the
ongoing relevance of proscription, and particularly the international
influence of the UK’s proscription traditions, in shaping state
administration. The multiple functions assigned to this power, moreover,
also exposes proscription as a versatile tool of political convenience for
regulating ideas and, in particular, political symbols. Here we suggest that
central to proscription is the British state’s preoccupation with symbolic
power, whether displayed through the flying of flags, the wearing of
uniforms, the performance of rituals or the recitations of oaths. On this
analysis, proscription is concerned with denying symbolism to illegitimate
entities even though, or perhaps because, citizenship itself is a
symbolically constituted status. This sensitivity to rituals, we argue, has
wider implications for security scholars insofar as it potentially renders
visible other security moves by state institutions, and for our
understanding of the political more broadly.
This collection of essays is set up to explore the dynamics of local/national political culture in seventeenth-century Britain, with particular reference to political communication. It examines the degree to which connections were forged between politics in London, Whitehall and Westminster, and politics in the localities, and the patterns and processes that can be recovered. The fundamental goal is to foster a dialogue between two prominent strands within recent historiography, and between the work of social and political historians of the early modern period. Chapters by leading historians of Stuart Britain examine how the state worked to communicate with its people and how local communities, often far from the metropole, opened their own lines of communication with the centre. The volume then is not meant to be an exhaustive study of all forms of political communication but it nevertheless highlights a variety of ways this agenda can be addressed. At present there is ongoing work on subscriptional culture across the nation from petitioning to Protestation, loyal addresses, lobbying and litigation to name but a few. It is hoped that this volume will provide a reminder of the gains to be made by placing political communication at the heart of both social and political history and to provide an impetus for further scholarship.
Care and debility in collaborations between non-disabled and learning disabled theatre makers
This chapter draws on the theories of Eva Kittay, Nel Noddings and Jasbir K. Puar to counter critical responses to Disabled Theater, a collaboration between Jérôme Bel and Theater HORA. Readings of the performance by Gerald Siegmund and Benjamin Wihstutz propose that Bel has constructed a discursive performance framework in which disability functions to critique aesthetic demands for virtuosity and, in doing so, implicitly challenge neoliberal values. Such readings, however, risk sustaining ableist conceptions of learning disability that are themselves fundamental to (neo)liberal ideas. Mind the Gap’s Contained, another collaborative performance involving non-disabled and learning disabled theatre makers in which acts of care are more visible, offers potential for an alternative reading. This performance creates a ‘convivial theatre’ where identities, relationships and meanings are formed within the performance encounter through acts of theatrical engrossment, the explicit attitude and labour of care for the performance situation itself. The chapter argues that similar traces of conviviality and theatrical engrossment can also be seen within Disabled Theater, eluding Bel’s discursive framework and opening up space for a more radical challenge to neoliberal principles.
Chapter 4 begins the book’s analysis of British parliamentary debates by
outlining the diverse ways in which the power of proscription is positioned
politically and normatively therein. The chapter demonstrates that
proscription is consistently depicted as a power of significance that merits
a certain seriousness. For proscription’s advocates, this significance comes
from its contribution to national security via the prevention, deterrence
and disruption of terrorist ambitions, as well as its symbolic value in
communicating British or parliamentary resolve to would-be terrorists.
Parliamentary critics of proscription, on the other hand, see the power as
important, we argue, because of its deleterious implications for social and
political life within Britain. These include issues around its
effectiveness; its potentially counter-productive implications; the civil
liberty consequences of listing organisations; and the impact of
proscription upon democratic processes more broadly. In reflecting on these
arguments, the chapter highlights some of the rhetorical strategies upon
which politicians draw within these debates, as well as a tendency – not
uncommon – for distraction and diversion therein.
Central initiatives and local agency in the English civil war
In 1650, anticipating a Scottish invasion, a Herefordshire parliamentarian published a pamphlet enumerating the ‘plunderings, losses and sufferings’ in the county at the hands of the Scottish army’ that had besieged the city of Hereford in 1645. The pamphlet, an abstract of 160 parish accounts of losses, might be regarded as a strategic deployment of information efficiently gathered by central authority from the localities. Clearly, the increased scope, and energy of central government in early modern England can be demonstrated through the soliciting of information from the localities as well as through its transmission, and Parliament’s civil war regime was no exception, albeit in more contested circumstances. But the drawing up accounts of civil war losses does not demonstrate straightforwardly successful enforcement or willing compliance. Accounting reveals instead the strength of local agency, not through disobedience but in responses that subverted central priorities. It was a form of political communication that used manuscript and print to reflect on local experience, and to conduct intra-parliamentarian disputes, while also prompting broader reflections on the public service and the burdens of war, generating political agendas that were national in scope but certainly not set by central authority.
The Chinese Red Cross Society was founded in 1904 by a group of Chinese
elites intent on helping their countrymen trapped by the Russo-Japanese war
in north China. But even before this date, the Red Cross Movement was
familiar to the imperial Chinese Government and to a growing cadre of
Chinese intellectuals, merchants and officials. How did the Chinese
understand the Red Cross Movement? How did they come to adopt a western
organisation, permeated by principles and preoccupations foreign to China’s
own cultural and material context? This chapter uncovers the original
Chinese debates regarding China’s adherence to the Geneva Conventions and
the formation of a Red Cross society sparked by the 1899 meeting at The
Hague. These debates reveal important insights and correctives to the idea
of ‘universality’ in the Red Cross principles.
The American Red Cross in an era of contested neutrality,
From 1914 to the early 1920s – the era of the First World War – the American
Red Cross (ARC) was best known for its dynamic growth into an organisation
boasting tens of millions of members who energetically participated in a
wide array of relief and reconstruction initiatives across war-torn Europe.
Less is known about the ARC’s profound struggles during the period of
American neutrality, from 1914 to 1917. Every major undertaking that the Red
Cross leadership initiated when the United States was neutral failed. It
failed to orchestrate a national relief movement, to undertake substantive
foreign relief operations and to adapt institutionally to America’s military
entry in the war. Given its abject ‘failure to launch’ in these ways, it is
all the more remarkable that the ARC became the nation’s leading relief
society during the period of American belligerency, 1917–18. In order to
appreciate that unlikely transformation, this chapter considers the hurdles
over which the ARC initially stumbled.
This chapter addresses the issue of humanitarian aid during a conflict that
today is largely forgotten, the Biafra civil war of the late 1960s, and in
doing so re-examines the question of whether humanitarian aid can do harm in
times of war, by prolonging the conflict. When the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC), complying with international rules, grounded its
planes because federal Nigerian authorities demanded it, the Nigerian Red
Cross (NRC) objected to the decision. This created considerable tension
between the NRC and the ICRC. The chapter discusses the impact of Red Cross
aid to Biafra, the role of the NRC in the conflict and its objection to ICRC
policy in the Biafra crisis.
Applied drama, ‘sympathetic presence’ and person-centred nursing
Matt Jennings, Pat Deeny and Karl Tizzard-Kleister
The practices and principles of nursing are associated with kindness, respect and compassion (Nursing and Midwifery Council, 2016); however, nurses can struggle to maintain these qualities within a dominant ‘mechanistic paradigm’ of care (de Zulueta, 2013: 123). Models such as person-centred nursing (PCN) have emerged as frameworks for improvement, in an effort to maintain these principles (McCormack and McCance, 2010). One key feature of PCN is the concept of ‘sympathetic presence’, which challenges the limitations of empathy and suggests that it is neither desirable nor possible ‘to fully comprehend another individual’s particular experience’ (McCormack and McCance, 2010: 102) – an idea with ramifications for broader arts in health practices. Since 2013, nursing and drama staff and students at Ulster University (UU) have collaborated on an interdisciplinary pedagogical project, using drama techniques to enhance the standard ‘role-play’ simulations for clinical training and assessment. Nursing students have explored traditional ‘applied drama’ approaches, such as image theatre (Augusto Boal, 1998), alongside exercises developed by Constantin Stanislavski for the training of professional actors (Benedetti, 1998). These students have demonstrated improved self-awareness, confidence and communication skills during and after their simulation assessments, developing a deeper understanding of ‘sympathetic presence’ within the nurse–patient relationship.
A comparison between the Dutch Red Cross 1940–1945, and the Dutch East
Indies Red Cross, 1942–1950
Leo van Bergen
This chapter is a case study of the activities of, contexts for and
influences upon Red Cross actions and thinking, specifically within the
context of war, colonialism and power, and of how, theoretically at least,
neutral Red Cross assistance to sick and wounded soldiers was undertaken.
This problem is explored through a comparative analysis of the Nederlandse
Rode Kruis (Dutch Red Cross) in the years when Nazi Germany occupied the
Netherlands (1940–5), and the Nederlands-Indische Rode Kruis (Dutch Indies
Red Cross) through the years of Japanese occupation and the following war of