This chapter argues that the 'academic' discourses are inexorably bound up with the preferences and interests of the Chinese government, and underpinned by mainstream academic thinking on security. A critical anatomy of the discourse of multipolarity and the nontraditional security discourse illustrates that discourses of security in China remain a fertile ground of dispute and confusion. It also illustrates that there is a clear deficit of Chinese scholarly engagement with critical security studies. The end of the Cold War and the opening of China's scholarly engagement with global international relations scholarship have ironically helped to entrench realism and its dominance in Chinese international relations scholarship. China's enthusiastic embrace of the 'national interest' as central in governing its foreign and security policy-making was meant to signal the changing worldview of a revisionist power and the 'normalization' of a revolutionary state.
This chapter is a clarification of the difference between political liberalization and democratization. It formulates the theoretical arguments, namely that regimes and societies are two important referent objects of security which, though neglected by traditional security studies literature, are consequential; and that the two are inextricably linked. This is followed by the chapter's empirical case study, the Palestinians and the Palestinian Authority. The chapter offers some preliminary thoughts on the usefulness of this addition to security studies in the light of the Middle Eastern context. An examination of regime-society relations in the developing world in general and the Middle East in particular highlights the inadequacies of traditional formulations of security. Demands for social, economic and political rights across the Middle East have threatened the positions, indeed the very safety and perhaps even the survival, of regimes that have been in power for many years.
This chapter concentrates on the role of the military in Southeast Asia as a regime protector and highlights some of the episodes of militaries using unlawful force against their own citizens. Focusing on the military's role in projecting force externally also obscures some of the political and socio-economic functions that they perform which may contain within them immanent possibilities for reform and emancipation. Military reforms in Thailand, and especially the professionalization of the military, have enabled emancipatory reform in a number of areas of public life, making a direct contribution to human security. Southeast Asian security studies has tended to focus on three sets of threats: threats emanating from China and the necessity of 'balancing' Chinese hegemony; threats relating to territorial disputes produced by decolonization; and secessionist and Islamist threats.
The logic of respect for human rights and democratic values contributing to the political and economic stability of current and prospective European Union (EU) member states is irresistible. In the context of EU enlargement, the dominating theme is of candidate states striving towards and achieving the Copenhagen political criteria for membership. The 'political criteria' for accession require candidate countries to demonstrate 'stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities'. Analysis of the UK domestic experience in attempting to uphold human rights in the context of the fight against terrorism affords some interesting perspectives on the impact of human rights on security issues. The European Constitution, if adopted, would provide the basis for the EU's accession to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
Chapter 6 demonstrates that Syria is not simply a case of misinterpretation, but one in which the taboo has intensified the conflict. The conflict is worse and more violent as a direct consequence of using the taboo as the basis of US foreign policy. It looks at the physically and politically destructive ways in which the taboo has fed the tensions underpinning the crisis, specifically where these are identified as effects that would not have occurred had the taboo not been prioritised above all other concerns. The chapter then concludes with a more comprehensive analysis of how the taboo is detrimental to international politics and whether it should even be kept as part of IR discourse.
Turkey's future relationship to the European Union (EU) will have a significant impact on both the role Turkey plays in Europe's future security architecture and on Europe's security agenda. Turkey straddles many cultural and political fault lines, such that it has been designated a 'pivotal' state in terms of regional and global security. Although Turkey's location might suggest that it could constitute a security burden to the EU, Turkey can equally be seen as a security 'provider'. With the Cold War's demise, many anticipated a decline in Turkey's strategic utility. Turkey's aspiration to join the EU is part of a broader post-1945 integration into the Western world. Turkish political culture notes a strong attachment to the utility of military force and a tendency to adopt a hard security approach to domestic issues, such as Kurdish identity politics and the role of political Islam.
This chapter investigates the construction of an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) in response to international terrorism. Since the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001, the first and foremost security threat to enable the construction of the AFSJ is terrorism. The chapter argues that European Union (EU) institutions have capitalised on the presence of this 'security threat' in order to drive forward the process of European integration. The area of counter-terrorism can be described as the hardest case for the Commission, or any EU institution, to demonstrate its potential to act as a supranational policy entrepreneur (SPE). The chapter examines the importance of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) for European integration. It also examines to what extent the model of a SPE was indicative of the behaviour of the European institutions.
During the 1990s, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) enlarged their memberships. The record since the start of the new millennium has been one increasingly marked by co-operation rather than competition between the two institutions: the European Council and the North Atlantic Council (NAC). This chapter focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. Some have seen the increasing lack of rancour in debates about the roles of the EU and NATO as being due to a growing de facto division of labour between them. An examination of key agreed statements by EU and NATO ministers provides additional support for the contention that incremental linkage between their respective enlargement processes has been maintained into the twenty-first century.
This chapter concentrates on a case study from outside the European Union's (EU) borders, because it highlights both the scale of the problem and the EU's limitations in dealing with it at a political and operational level. It provides an overview of organised crime in the Balkans and selects Transdniestria as a case study of a criminalised zone in the EU's new neighbourhood. The Transdniestria example focuses on identifying the links between organised crime and frozen conflicts and the policy implications this has for EU enlargement and foreign policy. The relationship between EU enlargement and the soft security threats posed by organised crime is complex and heavily contested. The existence of Pridnestrovskaya Moldavskaya Respublika (PMR) appears an insurmountable blockage to the consolidation and democratisation of the post-Soviet Moldovan state and to any aspirations of Moldova joining the EU.
This chapter addresses the main security challenges faced by the European Union (EU) in the Mediterranean region and the effectiveness of EU policies in dealing with them. The EU's fifth enlargement, comprising eight Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and the two Mediterranean island states of Cyprus and Malta, extended the Union's frontiers southwards towards North Africa and further eastwards towards Russia. The chapter focuses on the security of energy supplies, illegal immigration, terrorism and the Middle East conflict and Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) proliferation. It then deals with the advantages and pitfalls of the Union's soft or 'civil' power approach. The 2003 Arab Human Development Report noted that 'the occupation of Palestinian and other Arab lands exerts a direct and continuous burden on the economies of affected countries and diverts resources from development to military and security objectives'.