Focusing on the period 1840–1863, this chapter highlights how organised sports such as pedestrianism became examples of how to establish a working-class sporting spectacle in the years prior to football’s widespread development across the conurbation. The attractions of football were not apparent to the wider population prior to the 1870s; however, there was footballing activity in Manchester during the 1840s to 1860s. In terms of organised football, individual games were staged in the region, while multiple versions of football were developing throughout this period. Some resembled soccer, some rugby, but the end of the 1850s and beginning of the 1860s saw more distinction between the versions. By the 1860s rules were being documented across the country. The Football Association, established in London in 1863, aimed to produce one set of national rules to follow, while Manchester turned towards a version based on rugby. This chapter contains analysis of the games, incidents and related activities and provides an understanding of the developing sporting culture of the city.
The main focus of this chapter is analysis of a major scandal which decimated Manchester City in 1906–7. As a direct result of the treatment of players during the 1906–7 bribe scandal, the Players’ Union was established in Manchester. This was a crucial period in the evolution of football, with players’ rights coming to the fore as a result of the illegal payments scandal at City. The chapter also considers the career of Ernest Mangnall, who was a major influence on both United and City, bringing United their first trophy successes during this period. Although he tends to be remembered as United’s first successful manager, he contributed significantly to both clubs, providing United with ambition and a stadium of quality and City with their own major stadium and the ability to strengthen their support.
Focusing on non-professional footballing activity, this chapter provides an assessment of how the game developed within schools during the early twentieth century. It also considers how, by 1919, the Manchester region housed multiple leagues and competitions for all ages. By this time football was prevalent across Manchester’s communities, but it was the efforts of new organisations such as the Manchester Schools Football Association and the Manchester and Salford Playing Fields Society which transformed spaces and provided opportunities to allow football to become embedded within Mancunian life. This chapter explores how the game grew and was promoted outside the professional clubs, considering the efforts of individuals in establishing a network of leagues, clubs and school-based activities.
This chapter considers the 1915 match-fixing scandal between Manchester United and Liverpool and its impact on the perception of the game and its leading players. It considers the long-range impact of that scandal on the structure of league football. The significance of the match-fixing scandal and player-related issues is that a simple episode, such as the increase in membership of the Football League, is merely one event within a sequence of events at the episodal level and that, as in this case, analysis of each League meeting and an interrogation of evidence reveals a broader series of episodes. In the case of the League’s expansion, this was a transformational cycle containing a series of episodes such as the Liverpool–Manchester United game and the various meetings along the way.
This chapter explores the beginnings of Bourdieu’s career. It was his enforced period of military service in Algeria which extinguished any aspiration to become a philosopher which may have lingered after his time at the École Normale Supérieure. What he saw in algeria and how he saw it crystallized the awareness of the tension between familial and scholarly experience which he had already sensed in his youth. His time in Algeria enabled him to recognize the abyss between the way in which indigenous culture operated intrinsically and the way in which this was interpreted in terms of their own rational criteria by observing anthropologists. The chapter focuses most on Bourdieu’s Sociologie de l’algérie and his Travail et travailleurs en algérie.
The chapter analyses the research which Bourdieu directed within the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, Paris. It discusses the publications which followed on education, photography and museums/art galleries, but it also examines in detail some ‘collateral’ texts where Bourdieu’s intellectual endeavour informed the development of the conceptual framework which he deployed in his empirical research.
Bourdieu began in the 1970s to articulate an epistemological position which would protect the ‘practical sense’ of ordinary experience from the intrusions of the academic gaze. This chapter follows this development. Bourdieu developed a theory of social scientific understanding which would allow him to reconcile his inclination to respect the self-understandings of social agents with his equally strong inclination to subject social behaviour to systematic explanation. This chapter first examines Bourdieu’s articulation of his critique of structuralism. It then considers some of the texts in which he attempted to reconcile a constructivist orientation with its origins in structuralism.
The chapter examines in detail the tension in Bourdieu’s thinking between ‘intellectualism’ and ‘practical sense’. It looks at three articles of the late 1970s as a prelude to consideration of his work in the new decade. It examines his analyses of Heidegger and his restatement of his thinking about cultural capital. It examines some of his ‘field’ articles and considers the implications of his appointment to a Chair at the Collège de France and the impact of his encounters with American academics.
This chapter discusses Bourdieu’s ‘activism’ of the 1990s. He consolidated earlier thinking about the field of politics with a view to inserting himself within that field. He reasserted his earlier disquiet about the consecrated status of academic philosophy with a view to exemplifying the need, instead, for the exercise of thought in action. The chapter discusses Bourdieu’s publishing ventures and his involvement with the International Parliament of Writers. It considers his interventions against neo-liberalism and analyses La sociologie est un sport de combat as an attempt to represent in film a mode of intellectualist social action.
In two parts, the book examines, first, the attempts of three thinkers of the first half of the twentieth century to reconcile, in different socio-cultural contexts, the legacy of idealist philosophy with the claims of empirical social science, and, secondly, the trajectory of Bourdieu’s career in France from philosophy student to sociological researcher to political activist. It traces a progression from thought to action, but an emphasis on action informed by thought. It poses the question whether Bourdieu’s attempted integration of intellectualism and empiricism correlated with his particular socio-historical situation or whether it offers a global paradigm for advancing inter-cultural understanding. The book is of interest in confronting the question whether socio-political organization is best understood by social scientists or by participants in society, by experts or by the populace. It will stimulate general consideration of the relevance of a sociological perspective in everyday life and how much that perspective should be dependent on inherited concepts. Part I analyses the work of Alfred Schutz, Aron Gurwitsch and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Part II that of Pierre Bourdieu. The book is methodologically meticulous in situating these works socio-historically. It provides an introduction to some ideas in social philosophy and shows how these ideas became instrumental in generating a theory of practice. The book is aimed at post-graduate students and staff in all disciplines in the Humanities, and Human and Social sciences, but, more generally, it should interest all academics concerned about the contemporary social function of intellectuals.