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This chapter considers the spectrum of neoconservative orientations. It also considers the eras of 'ungovernability thesis' and the 'war on terror'. While neoconservatives have espoused liberal nationalism and productivism, Jürgen Habermas has called for further rationalisation. In a commentary on his work, Habermas described Daniel Bell as the 'most brilliant' of first generation American neoconservatives. Bell argued that the crisis tendencies exhibited by developed societies from the 1960s onward were the offspring of the decentred subjectivity of aesthetic modernity. The result was 'ungovernability', the condition of the Keynesian state apparatus being overloaded by the demands of an egoistic public. Against the backdrop of the 'war on terror', the George Bush administration's response to 9/11, Habermas would undertake a second critique of American neoconservatism.

in Habermas and European integration
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This chapter commences the reconstruction of cultural modernity at the level of the European Union (EU). It covers Jürgen Habermas's account of the mythical and religio-metaphysical worldviews antecedent to modernity. It considers a range of intellectual positions inimical to modernity. These provide the basis for the examination of neoconservative and neo-Nietzschean tendencies. Following Max Weber, Habermas focuses on the conditions furnished by Christianity for the emergence of modernity in the West. The intersection between the Judeo-Christian and Hellenic traditions, exemplified by T. Aquinas's Summa theologiae, is described as a 'remarkable' occurrence, for these were the 'two worldviews with the structurally greatest potential for rationalisation'. For Weber, it was the curtailment of rationalisation in the realm of ethics, rather than outright disenchantment, that facilitated social modernity.

in Habermas and European integration
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‘No front line and an invisible enemy’

This chapter begins with a quantitive and qualitative description of the primary narrative text. It discusses the RIA-Novosti narrator as a linguistic function of the text and the temporary narrators selected to contribute to the narrative. Temporary narrators selected by RIA-Novosti include officials, experts, RIA-Novosti correspondents and eyewitnesses. The chapter also discusses the different categories of textual material according to the intratextual model. The structure of this discussion moves from a temporal and spatial distance towards Beslan's School No. 1 during the siege and its immediate aftermath, the spatial and temporal site of the core narrative, insofar as such a narrative can be identified. Because the narrator has limited access to this site, narration comes from temporary narrators located nearby, from temporary narrators who relate the narratives of surviving hostages and, finally, from surviving hostages themselves.

in Beslan
Narratives, text, narrators

This chapter begins by offering a working definition of narrative from a sociological perspective, including the key concepts of ontological narrativity and relationality. Four different types of narratives such as personal, public, conceptual and metanarratives are used as the basis for a revised typology of narratives. The chapter then moves to a discussion of several narratological terms and concepts used in the close, textual analysis of online news. It focuses on the concepts of narrator and temporary narrator in the literature on social narrativity. The chapter explains Mieke Bal's three conceptual layers of narrative: text, fabula and story. Raising questions about power and authority and the abilities of individuals and social groups to elaborate their narratives in society, particularly in situations of violent political conflict, these considerations are also an integral part of the analyses.

in Beslan
A narrow gate

RIA-Novosti, Kavkazcenter and Caucasian Knot all state that, in addition to their Russophone readers, they publish for, and strive to reach, non-Russian audiences, goals which indubitably necessitate translation. Translation is vital to the stated goals of all three websites, which all explicitly aim to reach a readership wider than that limited to Russian speakers. This chapter investigates the English-language primary narrative texts published by each of these three websites. It compares narrative elements and construction with both the corresponding Russian primary narrative texts and with each other, and highlights the differences between the Russian texts and their English versions. Without the historical resonances, Kavkazcenter's persistent characterisation of the Russian state as 'enemy', a core component of the site's framing narrative of Beslan, risks becoming caricature. The chapter discusses some issues regarding the publication and presentation of translated texts.

in Beslan

This chapter examines the Irish Government’s role in the Northern Ireland peace process, from its embryonic, almost imperceptible, origins during the early 1990s to the aftermath of Britain’s decision to leave the EU. It begins with evaluating Albert Reynolds’s strategy for establishing a sustainable IRA ceasefire through collaboration with John Hume and Gerry Adams, and by engaging the British and US administrations. It demonstrates how Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair paved the way for all-party talks culminating in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. The chapter considers the Irish Government’s handling of issues arising from the peace process, such as decommissioning IRA weapons and policing, and demonstrates how a new power-sharing arrangement, based primarily on the DUP and Sinn Féin parties, was negotiated as part of the St Andrews Agreement in 2006. The chapter examines how these policies have been developed by Ahern’s successors as Taoiseach, Brian Cowan, Enda Kenny and Leo Varadkar.

The chapter concludes by examining how Brexit has subverted many of the assumptions on which Irish government policies towards Northern Ireland were predicated and has introduced profound uncertainty into Anglo-Irish relations. The final section evaluates the prospects for an end to partition.

in From Partition to Brexit

This chapter covers the Irish Government’s Northern Ireland policies during Fianna Fáil’s first, sixteen-year reign, from 1932 to 1948. The ruling party’s policies towards partition are interrogated and it is argued that Fianna Fáil’s first objective of securing a united Ireland was subordinated to purely party-oriented targets of maintaining power in the Free State. The chapter examines how policies and attitudes towards Northern Ireland were enshrined in the Irish Constitution, Bunreacht na hÉireann. It identifies the assumptions underlying government policy and how these influenced approaches to Westminster and international opinion. Finally, the chapter concludes with explaining why opportunities for direct negotiations with the British in 1938 and 1940 did not produce any agreement on how partition might end.

in From Partition to Brexit

This chapter begins by outlining the Northern Ireland policies of the new five-party coalition Government, the first non-Fianna Fáil Irish Government in sixteen years. It proceeds to highlight how Dublin rejected practical policy options designed to weaken partition, such as representation of northern MPs in the Dáil or Seanad or even a right of audience. The chapter then examines the Irish Government’s response to the IRA’s border campaign.

Seán Lemass’s premiership is assessed, particularly in terms of his functional cooperation policy towards Northern Ireland leading to symbolically significant meetings with Stormont Prime Minister Terence O’Neill. It is contended that the new detente between the Dublin and Belfast Governments made Northern Ireland’s Nationalist Party increasingly vulnerable to being outflanked by an emergent civil rights movement.

Jack Lynch’s unexpected rise to the position of Taoiseach and his difficulties in fully controlling his cabinet on the formulation and implementation of Northern Ireland policy are analysed in detail. The chapter demonstrates how the emergence of the civil rights movement and the inability of Terence O’Neill to deliver fundamental reforms contributed to the end of the functional cooperation experiment.

in From Partition to Brexit

From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research, this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s approach to the conflict.

Drawing on extensive archival research and interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union.

Informed, robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.

This chapter begins with assessing the Irish Government’s position on Northern Ireland following the bombing of Dublin and Monaghan, and the collapse of the Sunningdale power-sharing institutions established by the Sunningdale Agreement. Using previously top-secret archival files, the chapter demonstrates how Dublin drew up extensive plans for how to respond to a complete breakdown of society in Northern Ireland, which might follow a British withdrawal. The chapter produces evidence of the psychological detachment between the Irish Government and northern nationalists, and how Dublin increasingly acted on the basis that aggression in the North was one-dimensional, occluding rigorous examination of violence perpetrated by loyalists and by the British state.

The latter part of the chapter examines the Northern Ireland policies of the Fianna Fáil administration that won a handsome majority in 1977. It highlights the challenges of the Jack Lynch-led Government in seeking to achieve progress with a weak administration in London dependent on unionist votes. The chapter concludes by demonstrating how Charles Haughey and his supporters succeeded in exploiting Lynch’s weaknesses on Northern Ireland policy as a means to undermine and ultimately dislodge him.

in From Partition to Brexit