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Philanthropy, the love of humankind, has expressed itself in many different ways. In the Conclusion I rehearse these and argue that it is only by close attention to context, to political, economic, social and cultural change, that it is possible both to understand how philanthropy has changed and how it has been part of the motor of change.

in The reputation of philanthropy since 1750

This chapter focuses on material dimensions, such as settlement, topography and access to resources, as well as on fundamental factors that define the position of individuals within local societies and groups. Drawing on recent settlement archaeology to present a synthetic overview of the shape, size and internal organisation of rural settlements, it highlights their dynamism and diversity across time and space. It provides examples of the topographic arrangement of landed property and of the constituents of individual farming units, thereby presenting concrete illustrations of ‘neighbourhood’. The socio-economic and legal stratification of local societies is discussed, revealing high levels of local and regional variation, but also some general tendencies. The problem of freedom and servitude as formal/legal and informal categories is emphasised. An analysis of the organisation of landownership is presented together with the different forms of aristocratic property and their relationship to the property of individuals with a lower status.

in Neighbours and strangers

In the late nineteenth century there began to be an increasing sense that philanthropy had failed. In part this was because of the emergence of a rival, altruism; declaring a religion of humanity, altruism claimed that, shorn of Christianity, it represented a purer form of love of humanity than philanthropy. The bigger challenge, however, came from those within the philanthropic world who did not disguise their feeling that what they called ‘the machinery of philanthropy’ was often doing as much harm as good. Toynbee Hall became the centre of a ‘new philanthropy’ in which the call was not for money but for yourselves. Socialists were wary even of this and called for an increasing role for the state, something that began to be achieved in the Liberal reforms of the early twentieth century. Another possibility that was aired was that millionaire philanthropists could help solve social problems. They were in fact rare on the ground. Bernard Shaw offered them some barbed advice.

in The reputation of philanthropy since 1750
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This chapter examines the final stages of the campaigns for and against voting for marriage equality in the forthcoming referendum in May 2015. This includes an examination of the Catholic Church’s stance and their actions in the weeks before the referendum.

in The history of marriage equality in Ireland

This chapter draws primarily on periodical literature to show the meanings attached to philanthropy in the second half of the eighteenth century. Philanthropy was a feeling of love for humanity that brought pleasure, even rapture, to those who experienced it, all the more so as it was envisaged as universal in extent, covering all humans in the globe. The word was not used to describe what are often considered to be the hallmarks of eighteenth-century philanthropy, the voluntary hospitals, the Marine Society and other institutions. There was criticism, for example by Adam Smith, of the claim that mere humans could love all other humans, even some suggestions that misanthropy was more characteristic of humanity than philanthropy. But in the vast majority of references philanthropy was a sensation experienced in the body; it was not something that urged you to do anything or to spend money.

in The reputation of philanthropy since 1750
A social revolution begins

Ireland was the first country to extend marriage to same-sex couples through a public vote. This book records the political campaign and strategy that led to this momentous event in 2015, from the origins of a gay rights movement in a repressive Ireland through to the establishment of the Yes Equality campaign. The story traces how, for perhaps the first time in the history of the Irish State, the country shed its conservative Catholic image. Ultimately, this is the account of how a new wave of activism was successfully introduced in Ireland which led to a social revolution that is being fully realised in 2019 and beyond through subsequent campaigns, activism and further referenda. The marriage equality movement is best explored through the stories of the main campaigners, including those already well known in the Irish movement, such as David Norris, Katherine Zappone and Ann Louise Gilligan, as well as individuals who inspired the founding of vibrant new groups such as NOISE and Marriage Equality, or reactivated established groups such as GLEN. This social revolution is detailed through accounts of how political lobbying was used and court cases launched that brought about necessary legal and political change which now showcases Ireland as a progressive country continually working towards achieving full equality.

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Philanthropy and crime

Howard’s fame meant that philanthropy, prison and crime were inextricably linked after his death. The foundation of the Philanthropic Society in 1788, aiming to rescue children likely to fall into crime, further strengthened the link. Robert Young, its founder, had far-reaching ideas for what philanthropy could achieve, testament to the impact of the Enlightenment. On a practical level, the movement for reform of prisons revived in the 1810s, spearheaded by Quakers. One of them, William Allen, started a periodical, The Philanthropist, to advance his ideas and to lament the failure to sustain reform after Howard’s death. Quakers founded the Prison Discipline Society and in the harsher mood of the early nineteenth century promoted use of the treadwheel. By the mid-1830s the state had effectively taken over control of prison, but critics continued to focus their attention on philanthropy for its failures, either because, with solitary confinement, prison was too harsh or because it was too comfortable for prisoners. The chapter ends with a section on the Howard Association, founded in 1866, again with Quaker support. It was the main pressure group though by the end of the century it was being challenged as too conservative.

in The reputation of philanthropy since 1750
Racial capitalism and workplace resistance

Opening with the extended story of one former Amazon worker, Chapter 3 focuses on continuity and change in capitalist work, noting an increase in employment through agencies, zero-hours appointments, ‘agile’ management and supervision regimes, digital recording of productivity and the use of algorithms for allocating labour. In and around Peterborough the growing, packing and processing of food has a long history of relying on seasonal, temporary and/or migrant workforces. The recent growth in warehouse employment on the edge of the city builds on a similar model of recruitment and management of workers for the tasks of picking, packing and despatching goods. Using oral history, this chapter explores the organisation of work and the way workers’ experiences in these sectors are shaped by the specificities of their workplaces. Taken together, the sites of housing, recruitment, transport and work are sites of discipline and control, in spite or because of which the often non-unionised, multi-ethnic, multi-national and multi-lingual workforces occasionally find means to resist, assert their dignity and experience solidarity and conviviality. This chapter shows that addressing racial injustice is essential to fighting the inequalities and injustices of capitalist workplaces.

in Stories from a migrant city
Histories of mobility and fixity

Opening with an extended story of remembered cosmopolitanism and racism in a Peterborough childhood, the chapter then draws on biographical oral history interviews with three other men resident in Peterborough, all of whom were born outside the UK and have South Asian heritage. All of them moved to England as children or teenagers, and all at some point in their lives worked in factories. The analysis of these three narratives uses concepts developed in the field of critical mobilities studies to challenge the way in which migration is often discussed. It shows first how biographies of spatial mobility – people’s life geographies – cannot be understood separately from racisms and from class and gendered inequalities. Secondly, it insists on undoing the taken-for-granted hierarchy in understandings of migration that often automatically gives greater importance to international moves than to shorter-distance ones. Thirdly, the chapter shows how fixity – not moving residence – exists in relation to mobility, a conceptual development which opens new possibilities for political alliance between people who are displaced by moving residence and those who are displaced because the place around them has become unrecognisable.

in Stories from a migrant city

Using the evidence of normative texts, such as capitularies, as well as charters and estate records, this chapter studies the aims of interventions by political authorities and the dynamics of outside intervention within local society and their influence on social cohesion locally. With a focus on the three fields of war, justice and landownership, it demonstrates (where possible) the effects on the local of intervention from outside and demonstrates that such intervention was part of the regular experience of local people – whether from invaders, in court cases or as tenants. Moreover, individual members of local residential groups could often find supporters and mediators outside their small worlds, and factions within a community could use external agencies against their neighbours: external intervention into the local in the early Middle Ages could be an opportunity as well as a threat.

in Neighbours and strangers