Political cartoons are unique in that they are one of the few depictions of current events whose meaning is neither derived nor dependent on written text. Cartoon analysis may also prove useful for studying public opinion in countries hostile to foreign coverage or that stifle free speech. By embracing the exaggerated fears, paranoia, suspicion of a community, cartoons offer insight into the ideational and emotional foundations of conflict. Few conflicts enjoy the media and scholarly attention paid to the Israeli-Palestinian struggle. Changes in conflict were equally visible in the way both sides depicted each other, as negotiators quickly collapsed into enemy imagery once fighting began, degenerating towards greater immorality and irrationality as violence grew. The fact that Israeli and Palestinian cartoons shifted attention, enemy images hardened and mood improved when violence broke out, however, does not support the notion that political cartoons predict violence.
This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on concepts discussed in this book. The book presents a picture of Anthony Ascham as an 'anti-radical' parliamentarian who used ideas of natural right to argue for obedience to authority rather than to challenge it, prioritising order over liberty and representation. It highlights the complicated mixture of political languages which was used in propaganda for the Parliament and the Commonwealth. The book describes the relations between Independents and Presbyterians in Parliament between 1648 and 1649, reconstructing in detail their several attempts at political and religious reconciliation. It approaches the study of the English receptions of Hugo Grotius's works from an interdisciplinary perspective in order to understand how the English engaged with all of Grotius's works on state and church, international law, natural rights and religion.
This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on concepts discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. The book talks about security and states in the Asia-Pacific, and about human security or insecurity in a diverse region. Because the human security of much of the population of the Korean peninsula is tied into the relic of the Cold War, nuclear bombs and the possibilities of extremely violent combat near population centres remain a substantial risk there. The book considers the dilemmas and difficulties under three loose headings: the geopolitical context and the political economy; identity and security; and the relationships between human security as a political desideratum of emancipation and critical security studies as an intellectual project. Insurgencies, not only in Indonesia but also in Thailand, Burma and the Philippines, suggest the importance of 'domestic' political violence as a cause of numerous insecurities.
Ten theses on culture and international conflict resolution
John Burton's conflict and conflict resolution theories demonstrate the use of human needs theory and medical metaphors in peace and conflict studies. Implicit denial of the importance of culture in human affairs is at the very core of his theory of international conflict resolution. The strong universalising tendencies constitute his theory as a form of totalist theorising in the social sciences. In order for a problem-solving conflict resolution attempt to be successful, a dialogical community is necessary in which the parties can scrutinise each other's views of reality. In such a community the understanding of the uniqueness of the characteristics of the conflict at hand is developed by the facilitator and the parties themselves. The conceptual and theoretical framework suggested in this book can be translated into ten practical non-totalist guidelines for international conflict resolution, and especially for problem-solving conflict resolution. This chapter summarizes these for international problem-solving conflict resolution.
The disturbing feature of many accounts, including those in the media, which explain post-Cold War conflicts in terms of genocide is that the quest for moral simplicity involves distortion. Many critics have suggested that a new model of 'ethnic' or 'tribal' conflict became dominant in the 1990s, a model which offered misleading explanations of why conflict had broken out in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and which apparently justified inaction rather than intervention. At least as far as the 'ethical' interventions of the 1990s are concerned, journalists were active collaborators in writing the script rather than simply colluding with the presentation offered by official sources. The legitimacy of Western military intervention was almost never questioned in the press. In this respect, whatever explanations were adopted in relation to particular conflicts, the key organising idea was that of sovereign inequality.
More than a decade on from the Belfast agreement, the sectarian 'force field' of antagonism in Northern Ireland remained as strong as ever. The Belfast agreement restricts north-south collaboration to twelve specified policy domains in an annexe, though the main body of the text speaks of 'at least' six implementation bodies and six areas of policy cooperation. To make the 'external' arrangements work, 'internal' governance of Northern Ireland must place a premium on dialogue and deliberation across sectarian boundaries. This can best be done through a requirement to reach cross-communal majorities on executive formation and dissolution. To implement the constitutional changes, new legislation would be required substantially amending the Northern Ireland Act 1998, passed at Westminster to implement the agreement, and the Northern Ireland Act 2006, which paved the way for renewed devolution.
A military aircraft would be one 'operated by commissioned units of the armed forces of a state having the military marks of that state commanded by a member of the armed forces, and manned by a crew subject to regular armed forces discipline'. Military aircraft has the right to fly over international waters and to use such flights for surveillance or photographing another state's territory, even including its military installations. Military aircraft brought down by a neutral state or which land in neutral territory should be detained by the neutral until the end of the conflict and then returned to their home state. Personnel on board such aircraft should be interned until the cessation of hostilities. The general rules regarding the use of weapons forbidding those which cause unnecessary suffering apply in air warfare.
The law of armed conflict has its origins in both customary and conventional law. Though the object of an armed conflict is to achieve victory over the adverse party with the least possible expenditure of men, resources and money, principles of humanity remain relevant. In conducting hostilities the opposing forces should be guided by three basic principles: necessity, humanity and chivalry. Perhaps the most significant international agreement relating to a specific weapon is the 1925 Geneva Gas Protocol. Without specifying any particular weapon, in 1976 a Convention was adopted on the Prohibition of Military or any other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques. It is forbidden to use starvation as a weapon against the civilian population, but it is lawful to take steps necessary to deprive the adverse party of his food supplies.
Problems have arisen since the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). If it is suggested that UNCLOS constitutes lex generalis it must be indicated that it cannot invalidate any rights arising under lex specialis such as the law of armed conflict, unless there is incontrovertible evidence in the text that it was intended to override such lex specialis. When deciding whether a ship was trading with an enemy port, or whether its cargo was intended for an adverse party, Prize Courts developed the doctrines of continuous voyage and ultimate destination. In maritime warfare only properly authorised combatants are permitted to participate in warlike activities. By Hague Convention VI enemy merchant ships in ports of the adverse party at the outbreak of hostilities were allowed to depart and were granted a period of grace for the purpose.