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Bryan Fanning

Sean O'Riain's The Rise and Fall of Ireland's Celtic Tiger: Liberalism, Boom and Bust offers a sociological analysis that is very much focused on the role of institutions. He focuses on the characteristics of Ireland's political economy and its often dysfunctional interplay of liberalism, clientelism and corporatism. Ireland's liberal political economy pre-dates independence. The list of other liberal political economies also included the UK and its English-speaking former colonies: Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States. The most influential critique of neo-liberalism as an ideology in the Irish case has been Kieran Allen's The Celtic Tiger: The Myth of Social Partnership in Ireland(2000). He defined an ideology as a set of ideas shared by a large number of people which forms some kind of coherent related system and is connected to the maintenance of power and economic privilege.

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Bryan Fanning

One of the legacies of the Celtic Tiger period of rapid economic growth has been the transformation of the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland) into a multi-ethnic society with a large permanent immigrant population. Ireland's immigrant population seemed to have increased during the economic crisis. During Ireland's one and only immigration crisis, at least in terms of how this was portrayed, some media accounts claimed that Ireland was being 'swamped' by asylum seekers. The social partnership consensus was that large-scale immigration was in the national interest and this in turn was to be exclusively defined in terms of economic growth. During the economic crisis government policy towards non-EU migrants had two elements. It became harder for new non-EU migrants to obtain visas to work in Ireland, but the rules became more flexible for those already living in Ireland who had become unemployed.

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Bryan Fanning

James Joyce had Leopold Bloom, his fictional Irish Jew protagonist of Ulysses, define a nation as the same people living in the same place. Whilst writings on nationalism and national identity put limited emphasis on linguistic distinctiveness, many Irish cultural nationalists seemed to focus on little else. After independence, the Irish language became institutionalised as a compulsory school subject and a validator of Irish distinctiveness. English remained the language of Irish modernity as well as being one of the main vehicles of Irish cultural nationalism. The post-1932 dominance of the Irish state by Fianna Fail under Eamon de Valera coincided with a reassertion of unifying nationalism symbolism. Irish identities rooted in Catholicism found expression in communities as well as through the kinds of national Catholic pageantry exemplified by the 1932 Eucharistic Congress.

in Irish adventures in nation-building

Immigrants as Outsiders in the Two Irelands examines how a wide range of immigrant groups who settled in the Republic of Ireland and in Northern Ireland from the 1990s are faring today. It asks to what extent might different immigrant communities be understood as outsiders in both jurisdictions.

Immigrants as Outsiders in the Two Irelands brings together research on a wide range of immigrant communities. The book provides a sharp contemporary account of integration that situates migrants’ diverse experiences of exclusion within a detailed overall picture of the range of ways in which they have succeeded socially, economically and politically in building their lives in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Chapters include analyses of the specific experiences of Polish, Filipino, Muslim, African, Roma, refugee and asylum seeker populations and of the experiences of children, as well as analyses of the impacts of education, health, employment, housing, immigration law, asylum policy, the media and the contemporary politics of borders and migration on successful integration.

Immigrants as Outsiders in the Two Irelands offers a unique cross-border perspective on migrants on the island of Ireland today which situates the Irish experience within the wider politics of migration control, Brexit and integration policy. This book is a significant and timely analysis suitable for students of migration at any level in a wide range of social science disciplines.

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Immigrants and other outsiders
Bryan Fanning and Lucy Michael

Immigrants as Outsiders in the Two Irelands offers contributions which speak to the full range of factors shaping new and available pathways to integration, from the context into which immigrants arrive, the characteristics of immigrant groups affecting their emigration and immigration, the biases and structural barriers they encounter in the host society, and the multiple ways in which they seek to adapt to and change the institutions which facilitate integration. Using the theory of segmented assimilation to frame these contributions, we establish a framework through which we invite our readers to view the successes and adaptations of the migrants represented here as well as the structural powerlessness with which many of them, but not all, are faced. We note the limited choices that attend ‘outsider’ status, and the impact of these economically, politically and culturally, and the ways in which combinations of ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’ positions affect integration, the ability of migrants (and children of migrants) to thrive, and their future orientations to the opportunities available on the island of Ireland.

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Bryan Fanning and Lucy Michael

Legislation and state policies aimed at addressing racism have evolved differently in the two Irelands. In the Republic both grew out of anti-racist activism concerned since the 1980s with anti-Traveller prejudice and, as immigration rose, out of NGO pressure upon the Irish state to address its responsibilities under the UN Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. In Northern Ireland, legislative and institutional responses to racism were informed by UK practices, particularly as NGO advocates of anti-racism were influenced by mainland UK norms and debates. However, responses were later and weaker than elsewhere in the UK as gridlock in Northern Irish politics imposed limits on progressive social policy. This chapter traces the institutional failures to respond adequately to experiences of racism in both jurisdictions, the effectiveness of civil society responses to racism, and the leverage of international accountability to make progress. The chapter draws particular attention to the shape and strength of the NGO sector and its ability to effect change in the face of institutional resistance, as well as the impact of ‘hate crime’ frameworks.

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands