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Shérazade and other women in the work of Leïla Sebbar
Margaret A. Majumdar

  .   The subversion of the gaze: Shérazade and other women in the work of Leïla Sebbar Of mixed Franco-Algerian parentage, Leïla Sebbar spans a variety of genres in her writing,including short stories,journalism,essays,children’s writing and contributions to collaborative works, including collections of visual material. She also has a number of major novels to her credit. In its thematic content, Sebbar’s work straddles the Mediterranean, focusing attention on the dynamics between the generations. She is not engaged in any mission of

in Women’s writing in contemporary France
Exile from French North Africa
Robert Aldrich

, though in varying ways, in French North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. The French had invaded Algeria in 1830, on the pretence of a slight to their consul by the dey , ruler of the Regency of Algiers; elected by local elites for life, the dey ruled autonomously, but nominally represented the Ottoman sultan. Hussein Dey surrendered to the French conquerors; denied permission to move to

in Banished potentates
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The veil in me
Nicholas Royle

Another cut, still a cut, cut again: Encore une coupure . This phrase appears towards the close of Reveries of the Wild Woman: Primal Scenes (2000). 1 It epitomises a book that practises a more or less continuous art of epitome. (‘Epitome’ is from the ancient Greek ἐπιτέμνειν , ‘to make an incision into’, ‘to abridge’.) 2 Encore une coupure : it is a book of memories of childhood in Algeria cut, ‘up to the present’ (48), with images and figures of ‘amputation’, variously physical, emotional, conceptual and linguistic. I compute , therefore I am

in Hélène Cixous
Priya Sara Mathews and Mathews McNeil- Willson

), with native populations (particularly in French-occupied Algeria) differentiated from European colonizers through a racially hierarchical system of laws. This legal division was not geographically contained but continued even when North African Muslims immigrated to France, denied access to French citizenship until 1958 (Cesari, 2002 ; Silverstein, 2008 ). The

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Kathryn Nash

because of the possibility of neo-colonialism. They believed the greatest threat to Africa was outside interference, and advocated for a stronger union of African states as the best means to protect Africa and assert its influence. Finally, there was a middle cadre of states, led by Liberia and Ethiopia, that were deeply concerned by the ideological split and sought to unify Africa. The events of the Franco-Algerian war and the Congo crisis served to highlight these differences amongst African states and crystallize the divide between radical and conservative states in

in African peace
Building a movement (1944–60)
Andrew W.M. Smith

mass, we are the power, and, with concerted action, we will grab our rightful entitlement to live and to work.’98 He roundly criticised the CGVM, especially their role in securing the Code of 1953, in which – he claimed – tax liabilities were lifted from the large growers of France and Algeria and dumped on small winegrowers. Citing the role of larger growers in derailing the meeting at Pézenas in 1953, Soulié underlined the importance of small-scale growers acting independently to make their voices heard. The later crisis of 1956 can be attributed to the very harsh

in Terror and terroir
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Ralph Hotere and ‘New Commonwealth Internationalism’
Damian Skinner

nuclear submarine in Holy Loch, Scotland – something that Hotere personally protested against by taking part in the 1961 Easter anti-nuclear march from Aldermaston to London. 24 The year 1962 was also when Hotere painted the Algérie series (e.g. Figure 2.2 ), in which he makes explicit reference to decolonisation via the long Algerian struggle to gain independence from France

in Cultures of decolonisation
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Véronique Machelidon and Patrick Saveau

the foreclosures of French memory through the reading of multiple fictional representations of a significant event of Algerian decolonization. Laronde’s methodology opens promising avenues for film studies also and finds its counterpart in Jimia Boutouba’s chapter on the film La Marche, where she demonstrates cinema’s potential to rewrite, complement, and fill in the epistemological gaps of Introduction  5 the official historical discourse. In turn, both contributions share Christiane Taubira’s faith in the corrective and inclusive hermeneutic powers of (post

in Reimagining North African Immigration
David Macey

factors and agencies. There is of course a degree of indeterminacy about the text itself; Fanon’s insistence that he 14 Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks is speaking of Martinique or the West Indies is somewhat discordant with more generalised statements about a universal experience,4 just as it is never quite certain whether Les Damnés de la terre is ‘about’ Algeria or the more universal Third World – ‘en face de l’Europe comme une masse colossale’ (‘facing Europe like a colossal mass’) (Fanon 1961: 241) – it did so much to bring into being. After his death

in Frantz Fanon’s 'Black Skin, White Masks
Communists in Colonial Algeria
Author: Allison Drew

This book recovers the lost history of Algeria's communist movement and its complex relationship with Algerian nationalism. The movement's shifting fortunes reflected both Algeria's largely rural class structure and the country's complex national and international dynamics. Algeria's de facto colonial relationship with France was critical. Algeria's Communist movement began in 1920 with a virtually all European membership as a region of the Parti Communiste Franҫais (PCF). The Parti Communiste Algérien (PCA) formed in 1936 remained close to the PCF during the Popular Front and Second World War years. But from the late 1940s growing numbers of Muslims joined the PCA, attracted by its concern with social justice and alienated by the nationalist movement's factionalism. This demographic change compelled the PCA to address the issue of national liberation. With the launch of armed struggle in November 1954, the PCA faced a classic socialist dilemma – organisational autonomy or dissolution and merger into the broader Front de Libération National (FLN). Increasingly independent of the PCF, the PCA maintained its organisational autonomy, while participating fully in the war of independence. Despite suffering severe repression during the war, at independence Algerian Communists refused to disband, seeing themselves as part of a long-term socialist movement that could be rebuilt. While the FLN promoted a one-party socialist state, the PCA promoted a pluralist political system. The PCA's hopes for political pluralism were shattered when it was banned by the one-party state in November 1962. The June 1965 military coup shut down all public political space.