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The culture of free trade versus the culture of anti-slavery in Britain and the British Caribbean, 1840–50
Philip Harling

–18. 2 See esp. Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons edn, 1966), chs 8–9; Anthony Howe, Free Trade and Liberal England, 1846–1946 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), ch. 2. 3 Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place

in The cultural construction of the British world
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Emma Robertson

cocoa is an attempt to ‘understand the wealth and poverty of nations, using the cocoa-to-chocolate commodity chain in the liberal era as a litmus test for theories of economic development’. 15 However, such theories of ‘development’ are problematic in privileging ‘modern’ western capitalism over so-called ‘traditional’ methods. Women, in particular, are often labelled as

in Chocolate, women and empire
Carol Polsgrove

and social betterment’. They urged colonial peoples to organise strikes and boycotts. Without specifically mentioning socialism, they set their demands for freedom squarely in a frame of anti-capitalism; they called for economic democracy. They exhorted intellectuals and professionals to fight for ‘trade union rights, the right to form co-operatives, freedom of the press, assembly, demonstration and strike

in Ending British rule in Africa
Neville Kirk

capitalism itself. 6 Yet towards the end of the century there were limited and uneven, but unmistakeable signs of reawakened and growing labour movement political assertiveness and independence. In 1888 the Scottish Labour Party was formed. Five years later what was to prove the most influential group of the ‘socialist revival’, Keir Hardie’s Independent Labour Party ( ILP ), came into existence. Although numerically small, the main socialist groups, the ILP itself, H.M. Hyndman’s Social Democratic Federation ( SDF

in Labour and the politics of Empire
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Rebuilding the Bank of England, 1919–39
Iain Black

connection with this project. I am also very grateful to David Gilbert and Felix Driver for their helpful comments on a draft of the chapter. 1 H. Baker, ‘Symbolism in Art’, paper read to the Royal Institution of Great Britain, (London, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1933). 2 On economic and financial aspects of the City/empire nexus see, for example, G. Ingham, Capitalism Divided? The City and Industry in British Social Development (London

in Imperial cities
English cricket and decolonisation
Mike Cronin and Richard Holt

decolonisation was psychological rather than economic’. 18 The City of London, it is clear, was able to transform itself from a structure that relied on the certainties of gentlemanly capitalism. The links between the City and the MCC were close. Many leading merchants and brokers were members of the MCC, but unlike the City of London, the gentlemanly administrators of the MCC found it harder to dominate

in British culture and the end of empire
Settler pasts and racial identities in the Garment Workers’ Union, 1938-52
Leslie Witz

imperialism associated with monopoly capitalism was destroyed. 17 This found resonance in the plays written by GWU members in which the poverty of the Afrikaner was depicted as the outcome of class oppression, with wealthy Afrikaners sometimes portrayed as the oppressors. Such an approach was anathema to the emergent Afrikaner Nationalist movement, which, through its newspapers, like Die Vaderland , accused Sachs of ‘spreading poisonous teaching among our workers, destroying our spiritual values and uprooting the South

in Rethinking settler colonialism
Andrew Presto

capitalism as well as creating a more stable and just society at home. ‘Monopoly does not like this program. Certain types of high finance do not like it. Most of the American plutocracy do not like it’, he told a campaign rally in Brooklyn on the eve of the election. But the ‘vast majority of American business, the backbone of American business, continues to grow and flourish

in Rhetorics of empire
Neville Kirk

than challenging capitalism. Notwithstanding the agitational vitality of the Left, mainstream labour, especially in Britain, was for the most part under the effective control of moderate and pragmatic trade union leaders. The latter were less concerned to mount all-out offensives against employers than to restore their pre-Depression strength, standing and membership levels. This was particularly the case in Britain, where industrial militancy fell away and ‘the only two large-scale strikes of the thirties resulted in

in Labour and the politics of Empire
Abolition from ship to shore
Robert Burroughs

. A scholarly reassessment of the long-running coercive crusade against the trafficking of enslaved Africans to the Americas is overdue. In the years since Eric Williams’s Capitalism and Slavery (1944) fundamentally challenged self-satisfied and complacent histories of Britain’s anti-slavery movement, and ignited scholarly inquiry into the slave trade and slavery in the Atlantic world, slave

in The suppression of the Atlantic slave trade