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Entrepreneurs and professionals
John Herson

Parliament, 1868–1882: The case of the Married Women’s Property Acts’, The Historical Journal, 46:1 (March 2003), pp. 59–87. 69 SA, 7 December 1850, 1 February 1851, 29 April 1854, 16 January 1847. 70 Letter, 25 February 1886, quoted in S. Leslie, Henry Edward Manning: His Life and Labours (London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne, 1921), p. 415. 71 Herson, ‘The English, the Irish and the Catholic Church in Stafford’, p.  46, table. Only between 1851 and 1861 did the Irish and mixed-family Catholics achieve a bare majority: 51 per cent. By 1891 the Irish proportion had

in Divergent paths
Michael Carter-Sinclair

Catholic Church could be reversed because, in his mind, this was a consequence of liberal, Jewish, policies, rather than the outcome of broad social change. His principal calling to a political life was his religious mission. Latschka was not content to hope that the poor would eventually return to the Church of their own volition. 74 He believed that the Church had to reach out to the poor, in religious, social and political terms, or their souls would be lost. Latschka, alongside other priests, shows that the view that ‘serious Catholic politics simply did not exist

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Catherine Maignant

2 The Celtic Tiger and the new Irish religious market The Celtic Tiger and the religious market Catherine Maignant Many assume that the Celtic Tiger has devoured religion. However, a careful examination of data does not fully support this analysis. In the view of recent developments, it may even be argued that religiosity remained part of life for most Irish people throughout the Celtic Tiger years. John Waters once commented that in spite of Ireland’s disaffection with the Catholic Church ‘there [was] no such thing as an ex-­Catholic’ in Ireland (Waters 1997, p

in From prosperity to austerity
Marie Mulvey-Roberts

with Christ. 1 Caroline Walker Bynum, Wonderful Blood (2007) The wounded body is a leitmotif of the Gothic novel and central icon of the Roman Catholic Church, which has perpetuated images of crucifixion, martyred saints, bleeding statues and mystic stigmatics. Sacred art depicts an iconography of suffering

in Dangerous bodies
Lucy Underwood

’s recognition of these English martyrs: ‘I thank God with you to have lived to see this in diebus nostris … It is like the resurrection of the Witnesses whose bodies have lain so long in Babylon … I have long invoked St Thomas More in secret, and now write him so for the first time.’2 The Times journalist would presumably have been even more disappointed later that year, when a Catholic church dedicated to Our Lady of the Assumption and the English Martyrs was founded in Cambridge.3 The beatification of the English Martyrs has received little scholarly attention.4 Yet the

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Polish and Italian mothers in Norway
Lise Widding Isaksen and Elżbieta Czapka

welfare regime is described as Catholic, conservative, and corporative (Esping-Andersen 1990 ). This means that conservative family values promoted by the Catholic church influence local cultures. The social norms promoted by Catholicism support a male breadwinner model, and the idea that mothers’ occupational activities can be harmful for children is widespread (Esping-Andersen 1996 , Emmenegger 2010 ). During the financial crisis in Italy, several social, economic, and political processes which aimed to support more gender equality in society were halted

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Christianity, religion and the League
Helen McCarthy

Glasgow during Norwood’s visit of February 1927, with Father Mullins of the Roman Catholic Church appearing on the platform alongside the Episcopalian Bishop of Glasgow, the Moderator of the Church of Scotland, a Jewish Rabbi plus representatives of the United Free Church, the Scottish Baptist Union and the Salvation Army.88 Ballot organisers in Liverpool, meanwhile, received valuable assistance from resident Roman Catholic priests when distributing forms in the city’s slums.89 Yet these were undoubtedly isolated events. LNU branches were more commonly met with a wall

in The British people and the League of Nations
Sarah-Anne Buckley

of voluntarism and activist groups would be played out prior to independence. While nationalist groups consistently argued that child and family welfare would be improved under Irish rule, the development of activist groups such as the Women’s National Health Association (WNHA) attracted the attention of the Catholic Church which remained uncomfortable with any measures vaguely resembling socialism.3 With regard to institutions catering for children, by 1900 there were approximately 104 industrial schools, reformatories and voluntary orphanages operating throughout

in The cruelty man
Sarah-Anne Buckley

-century philanthropic tradition, the Irish State, guided by the Catholic Church, continued its policies of institutionalisation of children, stigmatisation of single mothers, and charity as opposed to welfare. As addressed in Chapter 1, many of the issues regarding child welfare, voluntarism and State interference in the family had been established before independence, but these intensified as the Catholic Church became an influential force in Irish social policy. In examining the NSPCC, religious orders and the State, the effects of draconian policies on families can be observed

in The cruelty man
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The city and its people in the mid-sixteenth century
Elizabeth C. Tingle

. Relations between city, province and crown, and between individuals, were understood in terms of law and contract; there were mutual obligations between different authorities and social groups. There was a strong moral and religious dimension to royal, civic and even household authority, mediated through the theology and culture of the Catholic Church. If the early modern city was to remain peaceful, its residents had to share a basic consensus of values on at least the most fundamental questions of social organisation and religious belief. Such consensus was precisely

in Authority and society in Nantes during the French wars of religion, 1559–98