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International comparisons and patterns
Matt Qvortrup

9 Regulation of direct democracy: international comparisons and patterns Referendums – and especially initiatives – are rare in most Western democracies. They have only become centrepieces of the political systems in Switzerland and – since the 1970 – Italy. The legislative initiative is practically unknown outside America, though as we have seen above, it has begun to play a role in Germany, New Zealand and a couple of former communist countries. The Swiss can merely propose constitutional amendments, but these are often defeated (the voters have endorsed a

in Direct democracy
A popular project and an unpopular party
Ingo Schmidt

8 German social democracy: a popular project and an unpopular party Ingo Schmidt The welfare state enjoys great popularity in Germany, whereas the existing market system is increasingly seen as a source of injustice (TNS Emnid and Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012). These should be ideal conditions for social democrats that have a long history advocating the political regulation of market economies (Berman, 2006). Embedded markets, social democrats argued against nineteenth-century liberals and their neo-liberal successors in the late twentieth century, allow the

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis
Pedro Ramos Pinto

6 Urban social movements and the making of Portuguese democracy Urban social movements and democracy Epilogue: the urban movement after November 1975 The Lisbon urban social movement did not disappear on 25 November 1975. Many residents’ commissions remained active even if the movement’s leading federations, the Inter-­comissões and the CRAMO Secretariat, never regained the political influence they had enjoyed just six months earlier. As the new Provisional Government and the first elected Cabinet that followed it progressively removed many of the concessions

in Lisbon rising
Abstract only
Kimberly Hutchings

3200TimeandWorldPolitics.qxd:2935 The Biopolitics 18/7/08 07:57 Page 106 5 Time for democracy Introduction N the previous chapter I argued that ‘scientific’ attempts to diagnose the post1989 times of world politics, in spite of their explicit rejection of historicism, nevertheless depended on kairotic meta-narratives of political temporality. The familiar ghost of philosophical history, in which the scholar’s task is both to identify the ‘real’ mechanisms underlying historical development and to intervene, or enable intervention, positively in relation to

in Time and world politics
George Ross

3 Social democracy and social movements from crisis to crisis George Ross Social democracy and social protest movements have been closely related since the rise of industrial society. The social democratic story began with a congeries of anti-capitalist protest movements confronting powerful enemies that eventually coalesced into the dominant reformist force in democratic industrial societies. In time, however, social democracy ‘normalised’ into a conventional political force working within the frontiers of a capitalism it doctrinally claimed to oppose

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis
Germany, Sweden and Australia compared
Ashley Lavelle

1 Explanations for the neo-liberal direction of social democracy: Germany, Sweden and Australia compared Ashley Lavelle Several explanations have been put forward as to why social democrats have adopted neo-liberal policies since at least the 1980s. Ideological trends, the consequences of globalisation and European integration, and electoral factors, all get a strong mention in the literature. This chapter suggests that a more persuasive explanation for social democrats’ embrace of neo-liberalism lies with the end of the post-war boom in the early 1970s. Not

in In search of social democracy
Rob Manwaring

2 Labour, democratic renewal and the New Social Democracy In Britain and Australia, Labour governments have been ­experimenting with democratic renewal. Democratic renewal includes a range of diverse activities, processes and mechanisms and can include constitutional reform, increasing the transparency of government d ­ ecision-making, activating new forms of civic engagement and introducing new spaces for public debate. This book looks at one strand of this search for democratic renewal: a growing willingness by Labour ­ governments to introduce new mechanisms

in The search for democratic renewal
Census versus women’s citizenship
Jill Liddington

10 Battleground for democracy: census versus women’s citizenship By early March, the main battalions were ranged upon the battleground for democracy. On one side stood the Pankhursts’ WSPU, Charlotte Despard’s WFL, alongside Laurence Housman and pressure groups like the WTRL. On the other, Sadler and Scott lined up behind John Burns’s Census Act. Both sides of this ‘census versus citizenship’ fight would hone their arguments during March, with other groups and individuals, occupations and regions each forming their own views. By now, the Census Committee was so

in Vanishing for the vote
Mark Olssen

This chapter starts by considering Ella Myers’s critique of the relevance of Foucault for democracy and disagrees with her assessments, noting the senses in which Foucault can be considered pertinent for democracy today. The chapter moves to examine the implications of a Foucauldian ethic for education and global politics to seek to ascertain what might be considered the first steps of a Foucauldian agenda for a global politics and ethics. The chapter concludes by exploring the possibilities of a global ethics inspired by the work of Foucault and argues for the

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
The social composition and ideological basis of the UVF
Timothy Bowman

2 ‘An armed democracy’? The social composition and idelogical basis of the UVF The title of this chapter comes from Charles a la Court Repington’s article in The Times in which, as the paper’s military correspondent, he wrote of the UVF as, ‘a democratic army’.1 He went on to state that the UVF had an enrolled strength of 110,000 men stating, ‘Almost every Protestant man and boy in the Province will fight if fighting begins’.2 Repington’s opinion was echoed by H. S. Morrison who noted the wide class basis of the UVF and its popularity among Presbyterians noting

in Carson’s army