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Bjørn Elias Mikalsen Grønning

broad array of platform and weapon acquisition programs’. Another indication is the growing presence of Chinese military and paramilitary assets in the seas and maritime airspace of East Asia and the mounting number of reports of Chinese vessels engaged in manoeuvres that are harassing or dangerous towards their foreign counterparts ( Dickie and Hille, 2011 ; Fackler, 2013 , 2014 ; New York Times , 2009 ). Yet another is China’s increasingly forceful pursuit of maritime territorial claims that conflict with its neighbours, promoting its claim using military assets

in Japan's new security partnerships
Abstract only
Patrick Thornberry

. 62. He also notes (p. 68) ‘the likelihood that acceptance of the norms relating to indigenous peoples will provide a firmer base for the pursuit of legal goals in the sphere of affirmative action than the orthodox principles and standards . . . concerning human rights’. 13 Corntassel and Primeau, ‘Indigenous sovereignty’, 344–5. 14 ‘The applicability of the international legal concept of “indigenous peoples” in Asia’, in J. R. Bauer and D. Bell (eds.), The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999). 11 3 Introduction some

in Indigenous peoples and human rights
War monuments and the contradictions of Japan’s post-imperial commemoration
Barak Kushner

‘modern’ East Asian nation, there emerged, however, a craze for fêting successful individuals, including military men. According to Sven Saalar, ‘between 1880 and 1928, more than 800 of these statues were erected throughout Japan’. 6 In fact, the Japanese government did not only push this campaign during its imperial era. A large number of reconstructed or redacted sites

in Sites of imperial memory
Axel Berkofsky

unambiguous and also understandably unwelcome, as it conveys a patronising message of Brussels ‘supervising’ the quality of Japanese foreign policies ( Reiterer, 2013 , 2015). Hard security In September 2005, Brussels and Tokyo began discussing Asian security issues on a regular basis by launching the ‘EU–Japan Strategic Dialogue on East Asian Security’ ( Mykal, 2011 ). The establishment of that dialogue was preceded by the establishment of the ‘EU–US Dialogue on East Asian Security’ in 2004. Given that the EU weapons

in Japan's new security partnerships
British travel and tourism in the post-imperial world
Hsu-Ming Teo

nineteenth-century counterparts, unilaterally producing and sustaining fantasies of backward though exotic ‘others’ in order to dominate them economically and culturally. The governments of post-colonial nations often colluded in maintaining such ideas in order to attract tourist dollars. For example, the international tourist brochures, posters and magazines put out by South-East Asian tour operators and

in British culture and the end of empire
Events in China in the early twenty-first century
Maurice Roche

influencing societies in our period. The world-regionality dynamic is particularly visible in such processes as the development of the European Union as a multi- and supranational governance system in the European world region, in the rise of China in the East Asia and also in the new power and potential of some developing societies across the world’s continents. To explore globalisation’s world-regionality dynamic and its implications for mega-events in this chapter we look East. We discuss the role 224 Mega-events and global change of mega-events such as the Beijing

in Mega-events and social change
Promises and perils
Prashanth Parameswaran

Introduction Southeast Asia has traditionally occupied a marginal role in US foreign policy in general and US Asia policy in particular, and American commitment to the region has remained quite ambivalent since the end of the Cold War. But during his time in office, US President Barack Obama raised the level of US attention given to Southeast Asia and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to a level not seen since the end of the Vietnam War. 1 Seeing Southeast Asia and ASEAN as vital to preserving what it referred to as the rules

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
H. D. P. Envall

changing international order mean for Japan? And second, how should Japan respond? With one very major exception – the tragedy of the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere – Japan has not historically sought to establish itself as a pole in its own right. Rather, it has focused on finding ways to adapt to, maintain autonomy in, and gain prestige from the given international order. Thus, the explanatory and normative sides of the Japanese discourse have been closely intertwined, with one informing the other. The interplay between these dimensions is

in National perspectives on a multipolar order
China and the concept of multipolarity in the post Cold War era
Nicholas Khoo and Zhang Qingmin

three poles should be considered, but differ on their identity. Thus, scholars variously count the US, Europe, and East Asia, or the US, Germany, and Japan. 28 Others identify five entities, including the US, Japan, Europe, Russia, and China, while still others opt for six, adding India. 29 At times, the Chinese government has even considered the bloc of developing countries as a pole. 30

in National perspectives on a multipolar order
No more ‘Australia for the White Man’
David Olds and Robert Phiddian

immediately successful in gaining a cartooning job that permitted the expression of his critical and satirical impulses, so in 1961 he decided to travel in Australia's immediate region: Just having come back from Britain which was extricating itself from the colonies, it seemed to me that you had to know who were the geographic scene you were with and the cultural scene that is next door. … I went to South East Asia … You sort of knew, there was an emergency in Indonesia – the

in Comic empires