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at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia 2 by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. NATO’s peace-building roles in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia The deployment of the NATO IFOR to Bosnia in 1995 in the wake of the Dayton agreement and associated UNSC Resolutions marked the beginning of the Alliance
1769 over 23,000 German settlers had made their home in the areas surrounding the lower and central Volga river.9 A decree issued by Alexander I in 1804 prompted farmers and artisans from southern Germany to migrate to the Crimean peninsula and the Caucasus. This influx of German colonists continued throughout the nineteenth century: the census of 1897 revealed that no fewer than 1.79 million Germans were resident in Russia.10 The privileges enjoyed by the Ethnic German minorities located in Eastern and Central Europe were generally eroded during the nineteenth
reallocating segments of imperial taxes during the fifth and sixth centuries to immigrant newcomers to the Roman Empire, the people whom the next section will consider as ethnic ‘barbarians’. The principal instances are the arrivals of the Visigoths in 418, the Burgundians in 443 and the Ostrogoths in 493. Rather than assuming the chaotic disruption of Roman administration and land ownership by outsiders, Goffart based his ‘accommodation’ thesis on the evidence for Roman cooperation with and exploitation of non-Romans to reinforce the imperial system. This administrative
Christiane Taubira's spirited invocation of colonial poetry at the French National Assembly in 2013 denounced the French politics of assimilation in Guyana . It was seen as an attempt to promote respect for difference, defend the equality of gay and heterosexual rights, and give a voice to silent social and cultural minorities. Taubira's unmatched passion for poetry and social justice, applied to the current Political arena, made her an instant star in the media and on the Internet. This book relates to the mimetic and transformative powers of literature and film. It examines literary works and films that help deflate stereotypes regarding France's post-immigration population, promote a new respect for cultural and ethnic minorities. The writers and filmmakers examined in the book have found new ways to conceptualize the French heritage of immigration from North Africa and to portray the current state of multiculturalism in France. The book opens with Steve Puig's helpful recapitulation of the development of beur, banlieue, and urban literatures, closely related and partly overlapping taxonomies describing the cultural production of second-generation, postcolonial immigrants to France. Discussing the works of three writers, the book discusses the birth of a new Maghrebi-French women's literature. Next comes an examination of how the fictional portrayal of women in Guene's novels differs from the representation of female characters in traditional beur literature. The book also explores the development of Abdellatif Kechiche's cinema, Djaidani's film and fiction, French perception of Maghrebi-French youth, postmemorial immigration, fiction, and postmemory and identity in harki.
Brighton and Bologna are two cities that have traditionally had ‘receptive’ reputations. This chapter compares these popular narratives with the perceptions that Black and Ethnic Minorities (BMEs) in Brighton, and foreign residents 1 in Bologna, have about the city where they live, its local government, and wider community. Several studies have highlighted that ethnic minorities and/or migrants are often amongst the most vulnerable members of society (McLean et al., 2003 ; Wrench, 2004
socially constructed rules of the game, but also challenges to the socially constructed boundaries around their communities. Analysis of racialised and ethnic difference, Peake and Trotz ( 1999 , p. 5) write of Guyana, “is not simply about different people with disconnected ways of doing things but rather about unequal access to power, about the relations through which differences are produced and reified.” A range of fusions and new
narratives celebrate Xi’s ‘new era’ as a reshaping of world order with a ‘new type of International Relations’ (Xi 2013 ). Nevertheless, global euphoria amongst Chinese elites is embedded in anxieties that ethnic minority identities are ‘colonial manipulations’ that threaten state sovereignty, which has culminated in ‘fusion’ ( jiaorong ) ethnic policies to secure China’s identity and the Great Revival. Xi's ‘justice’ 2 narrative reflects intertwined anxieties regarding Western colonial desires to convert China and the
responsible for new political values and priorities, and an increase in ethnic diversity, which has introduced an enduring division over immigration and race. Within two generations these twin developments have changed Britain almost beyond recognition. Someone born in the 1950s was raised in an almost entirely white society and with little prospect of going to university. 2 Their grandchild born in 2019 will go
furthered an ongoing process of monocultural nation-building. Their legacy is characterised by the persistence of institutional racism in many areas of social policy, a long-standing denial of Traveller ethnicity and denial of anti-Traveller racism. State responses to Travellers continue to be characterised by monoculturalism and to be dominated by ideological goals of assimilation notwithstanding the emergence of new discourses of inclusion and integration. These responses continue to foster the racialisation of Travellers as a deviant sub-group within a homogeneously
state behaviour towards ethnic outsiders that were characteristic of twentieth-century Britain. The template was the Aliens Act of 1905 when an anti-alien campaign resulted in the passage of the cornerstone of all subsequent attempts to exclude ethnic groups with the ‘wrong’ credentials,9 most notably a series of Acts from the 1950s until the 1970s to limit black and Asian immigrants.10 From our perspective the closest parallel is the decision to introduce internment in June 1940. Although preparations had existed for mass incarceration before this time, the