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consider the voices of others. With the paramilitary cease-fires and the onset of the peace process, it is felt that things are now changing. Space is increasingly emerging within the social and political agenda to consider the needs and experiences of others, including those of black and minority ethnic people living in the region. We want to argue in this chapter, however, that there is a danger with arguments such as these, as they tend to underplay the significance of race within Northern Ireland. Rather than the marginalisation of race issues being a by-product of
3 Race by any other name: Islam and the contestation of citizenship And now what will become of us without Barbarians? Those people were some sort of a solution. (Cavafy, 1967) In an increasingly politically and economically unified and internationalist Europe, how does a new European culture define itself? The process of selfdefinition, creating zones of exclusion within Europe, may be one way, especially if those zones are located within ethnicities and religions. Islam has historically occupied the liminal zones of a “secular” but historically Christian
settlement since 1990. It analyses the impact of different cooperative organisations on conflict management, both directly and via the changes in governmental policies towards ethnic conflict and the identities which fostered it. Of special interest are the current policies of the ‘external’ powers (Russia, Turkey, Iran and western countries) and the possible changes in their policies towards the region, which might promote the construction of a regional security community and, as a consequence, conflict management in the Caucasus. A high conflict potential in the Caucasian
at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia 2 by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. NATO’s peace-building roles in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia The deployment of the NATO IFOR to Bosnia in 1995 in the wake of the Dayton agreement and associated UNSC Resolutions marked the beginning of the Alliance
1769 over 23,000 German settlers had made their home in the areas surrounding the lower and central Volga river.9 A decree issued by Alexander I in 1804 prompted farmers and artisans from southern Germany to migrate to the Crimean peninsula and the Caucasus. This influx of German colonists continued throughout the nineteenth century: the census of 1897 revealed that no fewer than 1.79 million Germans were resident in Russia.10 The privileges enjoyed by the Ethnic German minorities located in Eastern and Central Europe were generally eroded during the nineteenth
recipients who requested help. Now, in the 1870s, the elite charities were outmatched by these new English ethnic friendly societies that offered ‘reciprocal’ ‒ that is, collective ‒ self-help in the form of members-only mutual aid.3 Societies such as the OSStG and Sons of England were part of a large and growing body of North American confraternal membership organizations with initiation rituals, highly sculpted ceremonies, rigorous rules and customs and masonic-style paraphernalia. They expressed 109 110 The English diaspora in North America independence of spirit and
reallocating segments of imperial taxes during the fifth and sixth centuries to immigrant newcomers to the Roman Empire, the people whom the next section will consider as ethnic ‘barbarians’. The principal instances are the arrivals of the Visigoths in 418, the Burgundians in 443 and the Ostrogoths in 493. Rather than assuming the chaotic disruption of Roman administration and land ownership by outsiders, Goffart based his ‘accommodation’ thesis on the evidence for Roman cooperation with and exploitation of non-Romans to reinforce the imperial system. This administrative
Brighton and Bologna are two cities that have traditionally had ‘receptive’ reputations. This chapter compares these popular narratives with the perceptions that Black and Ethnic Minorities (BMEs) in Brighton, and foreign residents 1 in Bologna, have about the city where they live, its local government, and wider community. Several studies have highlighted that ethnic minorities and/or migrants are often amongst the most vulnerable members of society (McLean et al., 2003 ; Wrench, 2004
narratives celebrate Xi’s ‘new era’ as a reshaping of world order with a ‘new type of International Relations’ (Xi 2013 ). Nevertheless, global euphoria amongst Chinese elites is embedded in anxieties that ethnic minority identities are ‘colonial manipulations’ that threaten state sovereignty, which has culminated in ‘fusion’ ( jiaorong ) ethnic policies to secure China’s identity and the Great Revival. Xi's ‘justice’ 2 narrative reflects intertwined anxieties regarding Western colonial desires to convert China and the
responsible for new political values and priorities, and an increase in ethnic diversity, which has introduced an enduring division over immigration and race. Within two generations these twin developments have changed Britain almost beyond recognition. Someone born in the 1950s was raised in an almost entirely white society and with little prospect of going to university. 2 Their grandchild born in 2019 will go