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egalitarianism of their ideology and the left-wing self-placement of many of their supporters (cf. Richardson and Rootes, 1994 ; Doherty, 2002 ; Dunphy, 2004 ). Our comparison will highlight many similarities between these TNPs: for instance, they struggle with similar conflicts between intergovernmentalism and federalism, similar hesitations over the development of true transnational parties, and similar constraints over their ability to develop genuinely ‘European’ policies and to influence European politics effectively. The Greens in particular have many similarities
of regional self-government to the process of European integration – the modernising European political project par excellence – the idea of a ‘Europe of the Regions’ removed the inward-and backward-looking label of regional government and, in stark contrast to the 1970s, made it part of the contemporary zeitgeist. In the eyes of the pro-devolution actors, the European dimension thus provided a welcome opportunity to add legitimacy to their demands. Strategic use of the European dimension Identification of the
(WTO) focused increasingly narrowly on a single solution. The other is that this solution involved substantial risks and few rewards, a feature that has been obscured by the apparent strength of the EU in the negotiations. Many of the existing analyses focus on the anticipated economic effects of the EPAs (Fontagne et al., 2008; Hallaert, 2010; Karingi et al., 2005; Keck and Piermartini, 2007; ODI, 2006; Perez, 2006; PWC, 2007). Others use EPAs as a lens through which to view changing European political interests (Babarinde and Faber, 2004; Farrell, 2005; Goodison
. Ellinas , A. & Katsourides , Y. ( 2013 ) ‘ Organizational continuity and electoral endurance: the Communist Party of Cyprus ’, West European Politics , 36 ( 4 ): 859–882 . European Commission ( 2017 ) Country report Cyprus 2017 , Brussels, 22 February, SWD (2017) 78 final. Eurostat ( 2015 ) Sustainable development in the European Union – 2015: monitoring report of the EU Sustainable Development Strategy . http
decision to set up European Political Cooperation (EPC). However, it was intergovernmental in nature and kept separate from the institutions of the EC. 51 The renewed strength of the Community in combination with the knowledge that the 1961 and 1967 applications had foundered in part over the UK’s criteria meant that during the entry negotiations the British accepted the majority of the Community’s terms. The exceptions, negotiated by Sir Geoffrey Rippon, Heath’s chief negotiator at ministerial level, were special arrangements for dairy products from New Zealand and a
Press. Jordan, A. (2003) ‘The Europeanization of national government and policy: A departmental perspective’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 33, pp. 261–282. Kauppi, N. (2010) ‘The political ontology of European integration’, Comparative European Politics, vol. 8 (Special Issue), pp. 19–36. Kingdon, J. (1984) Agendas, alternatives and public policies, New York: Harper Collins. Lawn, M. (2006) ‘Soft governance and the learning spaces of Europe’, Comparative European Politics, vol. 4, pp. 272–288. Lawn, M. and Grek, S. (2012) Europeanizing education
European integration itself and can theoretically be delivered without the help of the EU. The soft Eurosceptic views of Jeremy Corbyn are a good example of this – he was interpreted as acting with indifference to Brexit itself, simply trying to take advantage of it for electoral gain (Atkins and Gaffney 2017 ). Yet with their interest in ‘Britishness’, as well as in trade and the single market, it is understandable that the Conservatives care a great deal about the direction of the EU and of European integration. European politics and British
], and to inject it into European political debate’. 36 Such ‘injection’ was carried out by the STUC, especially in the early 1990s, in a variety of fairly creative ways in which the EU principle of subsidiarity – see below – figured prominently. These included sending delegations to Brussels to meet the heads of the EU institutions and of the European party confederations, lobbying the London embassies of a number of EU states and staging a mass ‘Scotland Demands Democracy’ rally in Edinburgh on 12 December 1992 to coincide with the European Council concluding the
contradictory range of political subjectivities in German civil society. In the 1950s, this meant being able to better mediate the class and confessional cleavages around an appealing national–popular hegemonic project (on overlapping cleavages in European political sociology, see Lipset and Rokkan (1967: 1–64); on the electoral dilemma facing social democracy that arises from reaching beyond the base of the industrial working class, see Przeworski (1986); the particularities of the German situation are dealt with in Lösche and Walter (1992)). This need to appeal to a
centre-left parties adopt market-liberal reforms?’, paper presented at the 17th Conference of Europeanists, Montreal, 15–17 April. Blyth, M. and Katz, R. (2005). ‘From catch-all politics to cartelization: the political economy of the cartel party’, West European Politics, 28(1), 33–60. Esping-Andersen, G. (1985). Politics against Markets (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press). Feldt, K. O. (2009). ‘Friskolornas vinster utmanar inte skolan’, Dagens nyheter, 4 August. 130 National responses to crisis Finansinspektionen (2010). ‘Den svenska bolånemarknaden