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had little sympathy for the Republican cause, and, as Holloway’s chapter shows, equally little interest in aiding Republic refugees encamped across south-eastern France once the war came to a close. The man chosen to coordinate the relief effort was an outspoken supporter of the Franco regime, and the supplies put at his disposal were woefully inadequate in their scale and inappropriate for the refugees’ condition. Only 70 per cent of the funds initially earmarked for the refugees had been spent by the time operations were wound up: an amount equivalent to roughly a
Fascists that (at that point in time, at any rate) undergirded the Franco regime – a regime that in turn undergirds the law and order that Barciela must maintain. Thus, in contrast to Luisa as resistant from a standpoint in the 1990s, as D’Lugo posited, Julia resists within her own historical place and time; her resistance is of the historical moment. Other retro noirs include a Galician noir, Continental
ministers installed by Franco believed ‘the solution to all of Spain’s problems lay in its full integration into Western capitalism.’ 58 These religious technocrats began to push Spain towards Europe in economic matters even before the fall of the Franco regime and its transition to democracy. Franco’s death in 1975 allowed these elites, who had already sought membership in the European Communities in March 1962, to make a pacted transition from the previous regime, thus securing accession to Europe. 59 Within this process, ‘Memories of high numbers of victims on both
the Franco regime makes stringent restrictions on liberties unpalatable. Spain’s anti-terrorism law was born in the dictatorship, and the grafting of terrorist crimes onto existing criminal law has resulted in a situation where civil liberties are subsequently better protected against further restrictions (Lister and Otero-Iglesias 2012 ). Spain’s written constitution of 1978 plays a role too, but
historical figures in order to project his own voice as part of a historical trend of exiled dissidents. As an author who adopted from early in his career the position of a universal dissident self-banished from the main centres of power, he fashioned himself as part of a genealogy of previous writers whom he imagined to be like him (a process of intellectual ventriloquizing described by Ribeiro de Menezes, 37–45). In ‘La actualidad de Larra’ he insists on the radical isolation of Larra and on how his words can be deployed as an accusation of the Franco regime and the
Franco regime in the Basque country, backed by the Spanish Catholic hierarchy, by the emissaries of the Vatican in Spain and by the Fascist press, was applying increasing pressure on the countries of reception for the return of the ‘unfortunate children’ whose religion was 125 ‘Jews and other foreigners’ said to be at risk, whose parents were said to be seeking to reclaim them and whose presence in Britain, France, Belgium and the Soviet Union was seen ‘to defame the New Spain’.207 In Britain the call for repatriation, which had begun in some circles soon after the
stated that Cripps’s crime was one that he too committed and that they could expel him too. Three thousand marched to Whitehall, chanting ‘we demand arms for Spain’. On 26 February 1939, Wilkinson participated alongside members of the International Brigades in a protest over the British government’s recognition of the Franco regime. After a rally at Trafalgar Square, there was a march to Downing Street. While protesters clashed with police to break through their cordons, Wilkinson, Attlee and Dr G.A. Morrison delivered a protest resolution to 10 Downing Street.236 In
suburb of Gracia. For Catalan audiences especially, the traumatic impact of the Civil War on the heroine Colometa (especially the loss of her husband) and her transformation into an alienated, introverted, shadowy creature, dispossessed of family and personal identity, offered a poignant metaphor for the fate of Catalonia under the Franco regime. (Hopewell 1986 : 123–4). The
movement was formed in the context of the active repression of the Basque culture and language by the Spanish state, and of regional autonomy in general, under the Franco regime. Although heavily factionalised and prone to divisions over tactics, the movement shares a rationale of armed struggle with the Spanish state. ETA has carried out kidnappings, assassinations and bombings. It has targeted individuals it sees as
involved in regional politics in Galicia, becoming the President of the region in 1990 (and re-elected to that post in 1993, 1997 and 2000). During the Franco regime he was a supporter of partial liberalisation, both of the ruling party and of the regime. He removed aspects of censorship of the press by legislation in 1966, for instance. However, he was too closely linked to Franco’s regime to be a key figure in the transition to