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acknowledge the social movements within denominational Christianity, reflecting the tensions between those who favoured holding on to the traditions of their Church and others who were anxious to make ‘progressive’ changes. 6 Historian Hugh McLeod has outlined the complexities of the ‘religious crisis’ of the 1960s within the secularisation debates that have garnered more historical attention than the changes in the practices of institutional church life. 7 The post-secular view of Catholic Nuns and Sisters in a Secular Age acknowledges secularisation, but examines the
she influenced the boundaries of female religious life in British congregations and orders from the 1940s to the 1960s. It identifies the predominant themes developed by the cultural trope of the Modern Girl, which reflected certain orthodoxies regarding perceived social and moral swings and then demonstrates how these were incorporated within the Catholic discourse of youth culture in general, but more particularly the Catholic Modern Girl. It interrogates how the institutional church along with female religious congregations and orders reacted to this discourse
protect, regulate and direct female behaviour were enacted by a range of institutions: industrial and reformatory schools, charitable children's homes, Magdalen and reform institutions, church homes and preventative homes, all of which offered institutional ‘solutions’ to the problem of ‘disorderly’ young working-class women. There were a variety of organisations operating across the period which reflected particular concerns over female morality, including those with a focus on reforming and rescuing prostitutes and ‘fallen’ women, and those with a more preventative
creating new vocabularies, Soviet Marxism sought to remake the world by constructing new modes of feeling and acting. 40 Early Soviet Marxists conducted a vast program of destroying bourgeois institutions: church weddings were no longer required, divorce could be easily granted, doctors could perform legal abortions, cohabitation was recognized as a legal union, and campaigns of sexual education would focus on
fact of the mystical union of Christ and the Church.97 As the twentieth century progressed, the institutional church’s expressed understandings, as well as the experiences of a cross-section of the laity, were undergoing considerable transformation and re-articulation. This increasing disjunction between the mass conceptualised as a ‘sacrifice’ (a witnessed immolation) compared with a ‘sacrament of communion’ (such as a communal, participatory meal) was most manifest in devotions centred on reverence for the host, including the extra-liturgical devotions of
characterise themselves as outside the institutional Church while employing academic arguments and often spreading clerical texts to lay audiences. Somerset’s analysis includes Langland and Trevisa as extraclergial writers, but she calls Wycliffites its ‘most prominent and most extreme proponents’. See Somerset, Clerical Discourse and Lay Audience in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 17–18. 14 Somerset uses the term lollard to refer to texts ‘influenced by the writings of John Wyclif, often in ways that attention to questions asked in
common tendency to connect the expelled figure with sinful clerics and to use the parable to ‘interrogate the institutional church’.9 While I agree that the parable held special interest for clergy, especially as retold in Cleanness, the questions and debates it provoked go far beyond clerical or even lay conduct. Narrowly focused on the expelled man, Staley’s analysis, like many others’, takes for granted that the host acts justly. If we shift our attention from the figure expelled to the one who expelled him, we find that the parable presents an intellectual quandary
their own clergy. It also points to the nodal points on the periphery of empire that played a role in the expansion of the institutional Church. The Company officers who helped to build an evangelical presence at the Cape also reached out to Australia. Captain Frank Irvine – a former East India Company officer who settled with his family in New South Wales in 1820 – helped set up a corresponding
attended the council of 839, as did the bishops of four other southern sees, suggesting at first sight that the institutional Church was not overly disrupted by the upheaval these cities experienced in the eighth century. However, this consideration needs to be tempered somewhat by the fact that many sees were lost altogether in the aftermath of 711, and the Andalusi Church had nothing like the structural complexity of its Visigothic progenitor: it had also, of course, ceased to be a legitimizing agent of the state. In the north, the Church could have had no such
enormous energy into devising their own legitimating histories of the visible Church. The monumental collaborative achievement of the Ecclesiastica historia (1559), known as the ‘Magdeburg Centuries’, inspired the great English Protestant example of the genre: John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments (1563) twinned an apocalyptic narrative of deepening papal tyranny over the institutional Church with the persecution of the community of true believers from the earliest days of Christianity to the present.52 English Catholics – in the vanguard of attacks on Protestant historical