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Brigitte Rollet

decade before the fracture sociale (social fracture) became a fashionable political term (surprisingly coined by the right-wing gaullist party of Jacques Chirac during the 1995 general elections), a new expression was used to describe those who had lost all social benefits. The emergence of the nouveaux pauvres (new poor) led in 1988 (11 October) to the creation of the Revenu Minimum d’Insertion (RMI: the minimum benefit for those with no other source of income) by the socialist government led by the prime minister Michel Rocard

in Coline Serreau
Eglantine Staunton

The period 1994–99 constituted a challenging time for humanitarian intervention, as it faced strong international criticism before being contested by the end of the decade. In France, François Mitterrand completed his presidency and was replaced by President Jacques Chirac, whose first mandate lasted from 1995 to 2002. Both Mitterrand and Chirac had to work with governments from the opposite end of the political spectrum: the first cohabitation took place from 1993 to 1995 and forced left-wing President Mitterrand to work with a right

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Eglantine Staunton

realm of the participants or the wider academic community. However, this conference was different. It not only managed to gather key speakers such as the UN High Commissioner for refugees Jean-Pierre Hocke and the Nobel Peace Prize holder Lech Walesa, but was also opened and concluded by President Mitterrand and his Prime Minister Jacques Chirac respectively, thereby obtaining a lot of public attention (Staunton 2018 , 373). Mitterrand declared, “the first human right, you will agree, is the right to life, and the first duty is the assistance to a

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Consolidator or threat (2005–2011)?
Eglantine Staunton

2005 was the year R2P became an international principle rather than a concept, 2011 was the year it transitioned from being an international principle to being an international norm. The period 2005–12 also corresponded to the last sixteen months of Jacques Chirac's presidency (1995–2007) and to Nicolas Sarkozy's entire presidency (2007–12). 3 Because the right wing won the legislative elections, Sarkozy was able to work with a government and Parliament from the same political party as his own

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Charlotte Wagnsson

September 2001, the President of France, Jacques Chirac, referred to France’s particular aptitude for grasping cultural divergences and forging cohesion despite differences. Throughout all three crises, the French leaders focused on preserving the global security community that was guaranteed by the UN. Conclusion: norms in their own right or as resources for community

in Security in a greater Europe
Abstract only
A precedent?
Charlotte Wagnsson

problem as closely connected to the perceived threat of unilateralism. Jacques Chirac echoed the Russian standpoint that NATO should not be given UN authority to intervene around the world because such a development could dismantle the post-World War II international order. Moreover, the French leaders referred to the need to offer an alternative to the unipolar world. Like the Russians, Chirac protested

in Security in a greater Europe
Tom Gallagher

process of all future NATO members.22 Early next year, on the eve of the US entry into Iraq, Romania was one of ten NATO candidates which signed a declaration backing the impending US action. In February 2003 France’s Jacques Chirac roundly criticised the candidates for missing ‘a good occasion to keep silent’. He referred to their ‘very superficial attitude’, adding that, ‘if they intended to diminish their chances of reaching Europe, they could not find a better method’. In particular, he singled out Romania and Bulgaria, saying the two neighbours ‘were particularly

in Romania and the European Union
Robert Boyce

Pétain prior to joining the Resistance had aroused a storm of controversy when it became the subject of a recent best-seller.55 Until the end of his life Mitterrand betrayed a deep ambivalence about Vichy’s record. In contrast, Jacques Chirac, the Gaullist leader and Mitterrand’s successor as president of France, had issued a forthright apology for crimes committed by Vichy, in a speech two years before the trial, marking the fifty-third anniversary of the first mass arrest of Jews in Paris in the rafle du Vel d’Hiv. Reference to the speech appeared repeatedly inside

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
Open Access (free)
The European transformation of the French model
Andrea Szukala

protection ranked second among the voters’ preferences.9 After the election of Jacques Chirac in 1995, the newly installed Juppé government (1995–97) finally had to take a painful U-turn by launching rigorous budgetary cuts.10 This abrupt policy change in the middle of 1995 made the costs of the introduction of the Euro particularly manifest in the eyes of French citizens.11 Since then the French inclination towards the Union has again dropped to only 46 per cent of persons stating that it was ‘a good thing for France’ in autumn 1996.12 Anticipating further implementation

in Fifteen into one?
Chris Pearson

military activity, and seeks to defuse civilian demands for access to military land.7 Much of the critique of military environmentalism holds true for France. Most notably, President Jacques Chirac relaunched France’s underground Pacific Ocean nuclear testing programme in 1995, to global environmentalist dismay, in the same year as the Ministry of Defence signed an accord with the Ministry of the Environment.8 Within France itself, the military uses the existence of rare flora and fauna on its sites to justify its ownership of land. It has frequently coopted the language

in Mobilizing nature