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179 Conclusion In an oral history project in the late 1980s, British Korean veterans were asked if British servicemen had thought that Korea was the start of a third world war. D.R. Milbery responded: ‘I don’t think they did, no, no’.1 Frank Wisby disagreed too, adding that they were nevertheless protecting ‘a bullied people who were the third biggest rice producing country in the world’ from their ‘greedy neighbours’.2 Robin Bruford-Davies, who had joined as a regular British Army officer in 1946, said that he did not question things much at that age and that
British economic recovery and damaging rearmament efforts following the start of the Korean War in June 1950. Once again, ministers faced a difficult balancing act between implementing anti-communist measures and freedom of expression and civil liberties. The Labour government and MI5 Labour’s landslide victory in the summer of 1945 reportedly posed
in place like a ‘jelly baby’ but PIP filling seeps through the body HOLLIDAY PLATES (Colour).indd 6 18/04/2019 11:43 HOLLIDAY PLATES (Colour).indd 7 18/04/2019 11:44 3.1a Advertisement in Apdugeong, Seoul, South Korea 3.1 b Advertisement in Gangbeong, Seoul, South Korea 3.1c Advertisement in Tunis, Tunisia 3.1d Advertisement in Marbella, Spain 3.2a Bed in clinic in Itaewon, Seoul, South Korea 3.2b Operating room in Apdugeong, Seoul, South Korea HOLLIDAY PLATES (Colour).indd 8 18/04/2019 11:44 3.2c Clinic window, Marbella, Spain 3.2d Clinic
Asia. Indian engagement of East Asia in the post-Cold War era has assumed significant proportions and remains a top foreign policy priority for the Indian leadership. India is now a full dialogue partner of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) since 1995, a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum, the regional security forum, since 1996, and is a founder member of the East Asian Summit launched in December 2005. India is also a summit partner of ASEAN on par with China, Japan, and South Korea since 2002. Over the years, India has also come to have extensive
2 Ideology as double bind Generations and compressions In the 1980s and 1990s, biography and life history came to the fore in anthropology (e.g. Crapanzano 1980; Herzfeld 1997; Holland and Lave 2000). These engagements foregrounded agency after its apparent backgrounding to social structure and totality in structuralist, structural–functionalist, systems, and Marxist approaches. Nancy Abelmann (1997a, 1997b, 2003) has been at the forefront of this anthropological turn within Korean studies articulating a social mobility and narrative-driven life history
4 Attlee in Washington Attlee in Washington A lthough it was clarified, quite quickly, that the President had not been advocating the use of the Bomb in Korea (Attlee later told the Cabinet that ‘Truman didn’t realise he’d dropped such a brick’1 during his Washington press conference) the ripples of consternation that flowed in public and diplomatic discourse enabled the Cabinet to decide, on 30 November, that it would be ‘useful’ if the Prime Minister could visit Washington for conversations with Truman. A message was sent accordingly to the President ‘who at
In the context of political transitions taking place at the domestic, regional and international levels, this book maps a series of key Saudi and United Arab Emirates (UAE) bilateral relations incorporating the Middle East, the US, Europe, China, Russia, the Horn of Africa, India, Pakistan, Japan, Republic of Korea, Indonesia and Malaysia. It argues that established modes of analysis such as riyal politik and the Islamisation of Saudi foreign policy are somewhat redundant in a changing economic climate and amid evidence of uncertain returns, whilst political consolidation amounting to Sultanism tells only part of the story. The book underscores the role of youth, background, and western affinity in leadership, as well as liberalisation, hyper-nationalism, secularisation, ‘Push East’ pressure and broader economic statecraft as being the new touchstones of Saudi and UAE foreign policy. This volume also sheds light on aspects of offensive realism, dependency theory, alliance patterns, ‘challenger states’ and political legitimacy in a region dominated by competition, securitisation and proxy warfare.
organisation of the dissent are more fragmented’ (Abelmann 1996: 227). Foucault’s work, which has been earnestly consumed in 90 South Korean civil movement organisations South Korea since at least the 1990s, has inflected these shifting moral aesthetics of activism (Abelmann 1996; Lewis 2002; Oppenheim 2008; Song 2009). His work has inflected the ‘social critique’ which ‘has permeated the language of ordinary people’ (Choi 2009: 215). In this chapter, I approach the reception of Foucault’s work in Korea as the starting point for an ethnography of damnon – a shared
9 Manchurian candidates Manchurian candidates W ith the ending of hostilities British POWs began to return home. As they did so it became necessary to assess whether any of the returnees posed a threat to the State because of Communist attempts at indoctrination. The Prisoners-of-War Geneva Convention of 1949, drawn up by an international conference which included delegates from the Soviet Union and most of its satellite countries, did not apply de jure to the combatants in the Korean War, but the British Government considered ‘it was reasonable to regard it
The Asian financial crisis 7 Conclusion: post-crisis Asia – economic recovery, September 11, 2001 and the challenges ahead To the extent that Asia is recovering, no one can claim the credit. The amazing thing to me – if you leave Indonesia out – is how similar the performances are, regardless of the policies. Korea took the IMF’s advice and it’s bouncing back. Thailand took the IMF’s advice and it’s starting to come back. Malaysia defied the IMF and did everything the IMF told it not to – it’s coming back fast. Everybody’s contemplating success for their