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Stanley R. Sloan

victim to the populist-led fear campaign against EU membership – a campaign aided and abetted by many of Cameron’s fellow Conservative Party members. Cameron was replaced as Conservative Party leader and prime minister by Theresa May, who in March 2017 initiated the process of negotiating the UK’s departure from the EU. The process, under Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty on European Union, promised to stretch out over many months or even years. Whether it will end up as a “soft” departure, with generous terms for the UK, or a more punitive approach, remains to be

in Transatlantic traumas
A European education?
David Marquand

. Against that background the current debate on the outcome of the EU referendum is hopelessly inadequate. Among former Remainers as well as former Leavers, the prevailing assumption is that, because around 37 per cent of the eligible electorate voted Leave, there is nothing more to be said. Article 50 of the Lisbon treaty has been invoked; and that is the end of the story. But as Lord Kerr, who wrote Article 50, has pointed out, the British government’s Article 50 application is revocable. In fact, the future is open. We are not doomed to suffer the economic

in Making social democrats
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From convergence to divergence and back?
James W. Peterson and Jacek Lubecki

deployment of these units. In June 2017, the European Council had cited the Lisbon Treaty in its effort to broaden the base of the costs that members incurred in support of the program. Specifically, the BGs would consist of 1,500 personnel who would be prepared for 30-day missions that could be extended to 120 days. The aim would be the establishment of two such units at a time, and they would be in standby for six months. Overall, the BGs

in Defense policies of East-Central European countries after 1989
Shivdeep Grewal

’ (McCarthy, 1997: vii). The goal was to take the project of modernity further forward. The ‘prolonged depression’ in Europe anticipated H  E  21 by Habermas (2005: 4) in the event of a French ‘No’ vote would form part of a deeper civilisation malaise, not just be a recurrence of Europessimism. Even after the rejection of the Lisbon Treaty by Irish voters in 2008, Habermas (2008a) continued to campaign for the legitimation of Europe’s constitutional order. In an article from the same year, he remembered the role played by Wolfgang Abendroth

in Habermas and European Integration (second edition)
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Crisis and change
Kathryn Simpson and Michael Holmes

. Available at: www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-35616768 [accessed 1 August 2020]. Buzek , J. ( 2009 ) ‘ Europe is back on track: the Lisbon Treaty good for Ireland – good for Europe ’. European Parliament press release , 3 October. Available at: www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+IM-PRESS+20091003IPR61802+0+DOC+XML+V0//EN

in Ireland and the European Union
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Nationalism in internationalism
Michael Holmes and Kathryn Simpson

rejection of the Nice and Lisbon treaties in Ireland. Because of the perception of Ireland as a good European, ‘when Ireland voted No to the Treaty of Nice in June 2001, the reaction in many quarters was as if a good pupil had suddenly misbehaved’ ( Holmes 2005a : 1). The further No vote on the Treaty of Lisbon in 2008 suggested that ‘Ireland’s long-standing consensus on the

in Ireland and the European Union
Seán Ó Riain

Social Review, 25:2 (1994), pp. 179–95.  3 Peillon, ‘Placing Ireland in a Comparative Perspective’. 4 Lee Komito, ‘Brokerage or Friendship? Politics and Networks in Ireland’, Economic and Social Review, 23:2 (1992), pp. 129–42. 5 Denis O’Hearn, The Atlantic Economy: Britain, the US and Ireland (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001). 6 Seán Ó Riain, The Rise and Fall of Ireland’s Celtic Tiger: Liberalism, Boom and Bust (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 2014). 7 John O’Brennan, ‘Ireland Says No Again: The 12 June 2008 Referendum on the Lisbon

in Are the Irish different?
A relationship in search of meaning
Harsh V. Pant

-fc37-4d52-936f-c8e9bc80f24f.html. 5 Details of the CSDP are available at http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/ institutional_affairs/treaties/lisbon_treaty/ai0025_en.htm. 6 Details of the Berlin Plus agreement are available at http://eeas.europa.eu/csdp/ about-csdp/berlin/index_en.htm. 7 Sushma Ramachandran, “The Expanding EU-India Relationship,” The Hindu, July 5, 2005. 74 Indian foreign policy 8 For details on India–EU trade relationship, see http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/ countries-and-regions/countries/india/. 9 The full text of the Joint Action Plan

in Indian foreign policy
The policy dynamics
Mary C. Murphy

and transparency of the EU and was, arguably, ‘a harbinger of better governance’ (Dinan 2005: 182). The Constitutional Treaty, however, did not garner adequate public support and was effectively abandoned in 2005 following failed referendums in France and the Netherlands. The document was eventually replaced by the Lisbon Treaty (2007). In terms of content, the Lisbon Treaty does not depart substantially from the Constitutional Treaty. The former preserves most of the content of the latter. The Lisbon Treaty outlines the exclusive policy competences of the EU, but

in Northern Ireland and the European Union
Abstract only
Myrto Tsakatika

would command general respect, but would not be a prime minister or president currently in office. The Lisbon Treaty confirmed the office. This move, among others, was designed to address the question of identifiability in matters concerning responsibility for leading the Union (Blavoukos et al. 2007). Several issues can be raised at this point. First, there is the major question regarding the clarity of the division of labour between the respective roles of European Council president and Commission president. Both the European Council and the Commission de facto play a

in Political responsibility and the European Union