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Screen and digital labour as resistance
Photini Vrikki
Sarita Malik
, and
Aditi Jaganathan

, it opens up the possibility of them being ready to absorb and to view things in different ways in terms of what's being presented on the screen. For some people it even goes to the extent that they believe it more because it's a visual, audio-visual live presentation in some ways, and that means it has quite significant power at various times, so you can reach people, and I think that's important. (Interview with June Givanni, archivist, the June Givanni Pan African Cinema Archive, 20 October 2017

in Creativity and resistance in a hostile world
Abstract only
Infrastructure, financial extraction and the global South

No struggle for social justice that lacks a grounded understanding of how wealth is accumulated within society, and by whom, is ever likely to make more than a marginal dent in the status quo. Much work has been done over the years by academics and activists to illuminate the broad processes of wealth extraction. But a constantly watchful eye is essential if new forms of financial extraction are to be blocked, short-circuited, deflected or unsettled. So when the World Bank and other well-known enablers of wealth extraction start to organise to promote greater private-sector involvement in ‘infrastructure’, for example through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), alarm bells should start to ring. How are roads, bridges, hospitals, ports and railways being eyed up by finance? What bevels and polishes the lens through which they are viewed? How is infrastructure being transformed into an ‘asset class’ that will yield the returns now demanded by investors? Why now? What does the reconfiguration of infrastructure tell us about the vulnerabilities of capital? The challenge is not only to understand the mechanisms through which infrastructure is being reconfigured to extract wealth: equally important is to think through how activists might best respond. What oppositional strategies genuinely unsettle elite power instead of making it stronger?

The transnational circulation of socialist ideas in an Atlantic network
Matheus Cardoso-da-Silva

commented on by the activist George Padmore, in an article from 1938, ‘Labour Unrest in Jamaica’. 27 In addition to critically publicising the strike wave that swept across the British Caribbean – which he also did in small notes published in the weekly newspapers, such as the Daily Herald , which Padmore later quoted himself – the 1938 article served to inform the local public, especially that linked to Pan-African circles and the London left, about the plight of the Jamaican population squeezed between an economy

in The Red and the Black
Abstract only
Philosopher of Black Consciousness
N. Barney Pityana

, in literature, both English classics and literature by African writers, such as novels by Chinua Achebe, as well as African-American writers. He was well versed in many of the standard works of philosophy, and Pan-African political writings by Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah (see Biney in this volume) and Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, as well as the struggles of African people in the diaspora, particularly American writers such as Malcolm X (see Daniels in this volume) and Martin Luther King Jr. Biko thus loved literature, poetry and philosophy. He wrote fluently. His was a

in The Pan-African Pantheon
Bureaucratic politics in EU aid – from the Lomé leap forward to the difficulties of adapting to the twenty-first century
Adrian Hewitt
Kaye Whiteman

important injection of new blood and progressive thinking. This occurred especially through selling the idea of a Pan-African dimension and by bringing in the Organisation of African Unity (even if north Africa was excluded since it was embarking on separate accords with the Community). A particular task allotted to Foley was 140 EUD8 10/28/03 3:16 PM Page 141 The Commission and development policy selling the idea to the Nigerians, who had been suspicious, and the Pan-African ticket was one of his means. It was no longer simply something for former colonies, even if

in EU development cooperation
Neo-colonialism encounters regionalism?
Mark Langan

(committed to a confederal model of African unity) challenged Nkrumah’s Casablanca Group (committed to a federal model of African unity) in the immediate years of independence. With the creation of the Organisation for African Unity, as opposed to the Union of African States, which Nkrumah had espoused, the Monrovia Group succeeded in its ambitions to prevent immediate African unification under a federal agency. Adjacent to this decision, RECs (such as the East African Community championed by Julius Nyerere) came to the fore – to the detriment of pan-African institutions

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
From campaign imagery to contemporary art
Julia Gallagher
V. Y. Mudimbe

acting as a ‘museum without walls’ ( Malraux, 1947: 7 ). Contemporary Ethiopian art reflects realities facing individuals and offers a more tangible way of building understanding and sharing knowledge than imperial campaign traditions. Whilst African nations at the brink of independence found common ground in pan-African theories that aimed to revise imposed histories of colonialist powers, Ethiopia escaped this trajectory, a fact which helped establish it as the political capital of Africa. Emperor Haile Selassie with the then Foreign Minister Ketema Yifru played key

in Images of Africa
Marxism and Civil War memory
Matthew E. Stanley

respond to violence with violence. Swept by currents of Pan-Africanism, the slave rebels of Saint-Domingue were the forebearers of the 54th Massachusetts Infantry. In other words, enslaved blacks spearheaded, rather than proved subordinate to, larger international class struggles. 61 Perhaps more than any other major Marxist scholar, Herbert Aptheker adhered to the Second American Revolution interpretation of the Civil War. Like Du Bois, James, and James S. Allen (pen name of Sol Auerbach), Aptheker’s analysis spotlighted themes of an unfinished revolution and the

in Marxism and America
Abstract only
Transnational solidarity in the long sixties
Zeina Maasri
Cathy Bergin
, and
Francesca Burke

racial, ethnic, or geographic kinship’. 25 Its formation, adds Young, rested on the cultures of circulation that characterised the global sixties, from travelling texts, mobile print cultures and moving images to literally travelling bodies. 26 African American activists identified with the continent of Africa and the African diaspora, but pan-Africanism was inflected in a way which encompassed all

in Transnational solidarity
Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.