Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
Responsibility to protect Libya UNSC res. 2009 2011 UNSC mandate Rwanda UNSC res. 929 1994 UNSC
different events, and that’s when I started the organisation Building Bridges for Peace.6 In the last year, I have done many things: I was in Lebanon with Pat Magee and speaking at a Healing the Wounds of History conference there, sharing a stage with somebody who had been in a Christian militia, a director of intelligence responsible for 10,000 deaths, who is now working in redemption and to create peace in Lebanon. I met someone there from Rwanda who had lost sixty-five members of his family, and at the end of the conference he said to me, ‘Jo, will you come to Rwanda
provisions and procedures for their protection in the post-World War I peace treaties. 7 Events in the 1990s, such as those surrounding the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, genocide in Rwanda and the treatment of the Kurdish and Shi’ite minorities in Iraq, indicate that these forms of discrimination are significant in contributing to international disputes. The
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
studies of the Rwandan Genocide note that anti-Tutsi cartoons were published in the months preceding the 1994 massacre. 3 A cartoon ( Image 1.1 ) published in the Rwandan newspaper Zirikana in March 1993 is indicative of Hutu animosity against Tutsis. It shows members of the Inkotanyi (the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front) standing in front of Hutu parents, who have been stripped naked and
groundswell of public pressure that ‘something must be done’. 12 The non-governmental organisations dedicated to fighting for an international criminal court were quick to capitalise on this. 13 The ad hoc international tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda were born out of the post-Cold War co-operation of the Security Council and public pressure following media coverage of the conflicts. 14 Undoubtedly the existence and successful operation of the tribunals greatly increased support for the creation of an International Criminal Court. 15
for the Second World War; the reciprocal apologies of states emerging from the break-up of the former Yugoslavia; Clinton’s apology to Rwanda and Guatemala; and Blair’s apology to the Irish Republic in relation to the famine. The considerations of each will have three parts, some of the salient detail, the reasons the apologies were offered and the question of success. Any consideration of the literature on Japanese apologies quickly reveals two features. First, is the sheer number of apologies that has been issued. One estimate made in 2005 was that Japan had
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.
-international conflict being waged in Rwanda, as well as, for example, in Cambodia and Somalia. With the establishment of the International Criminal Court such special tribunals may become redundant. Article 3 also provides that the ICRC or some other impartial humanitarian organisation may offer its services to the parties in a non-international conflict, and to emphasise the humanitarian