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Postsocialist, post-conflict, postcolonial?
Author: Catherine Baker

This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of post-conflict international intervention developed.

Troublesome subjects
Author: Steve Poole

This book considers the shifting boundaries of royal space as the flexible arena in which petitioning took place. It begins with the creation of a myth of accessibility and 'ordinariness' around the monarchy of George III in the 1780s. Historiographical interest in the monarchy is limited in its conceptual scope. Most studies focus on the enduring popularity and survival of the Crown, either with reference to its mythologies and 'invented traditions' or to the institutional conservatism of plebeian English patriotism. Petitioning is seen as increasingly inclusive and popular, facilitated by a developing public sphere and the mass platform, and associated with collectivity rather than individuality. Petitions of right are often overlooked and little distinction is noted between petitions to Parliament and petitions to the Crown. Historiographical approaches to troublesome subjects like Margaret Nicholson commonly accommodate eighteenth-century agendas of unquestioning madness, or else deploy twentieth-century terminologies like 'terrorism'. Franklin L. Ford has charted the classical roots of 'legitimate' tyrannicide from the ancient Greeks to the Red Army Faction, but has difficulty in accommodating the apparent ineptitude of English would-be assassins like Nicholson. Frank Prochaska's detailed account of the role of the Crown in welfare provision conjures unbroken lines of charitable royal largesse from George III to Elizabeth II. The book contains apocryphal tales of kindness to the poor from one monarch or another and is generally disapproving of contemporary radical critiques of royal idleness and narcissism.

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The language of the European Union’s ‘fight against terrorism’
Christopher Baker-Beall

Introduction: the language of the European Union’s ‘fight against terrorism’ Perhaps even more insidious than the threat to our lives, is the threat that terrorism poses to the very nature of our societies. Terrorism can strike anywhere, anytime, anyone. It is frightening in its unpredictability and unsettling by its random nature … For all of us, the fight against international terrorism is a growth area. And because terrorism is a global phenomenon, we need a global response. (Javier Solana, 2005)1 I would say that the threat has changed a lot not only since

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
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The Labour government and the Northern Ireland conflict, 1974–79
Author: S.C. Aveyard

No Solution uncovers the transition from a point in the Northern Ireland conflict where British governments’ sought a quick-fix solution to one where key ministers and civil servants had accepted that attrition would continue for many years.

A number of other accounts have tended to assume that the British state, enjoying more resources than other parties to the conflict, had the capacity to impose a solution in Northern Ireland but lacked the insight to do so. This book reveals that such resources could not overcome political conditions in Northern Ireland during these key years. Those who have argued that the Good Friday Agreement could have been achieved twenty years earlier are shown to have failed to appreciate the context of the 1970s.

Utilising a wide range of archival correspondence and diaries, this monograph covers the collapse of power-sharing in May 1974, the secret dialogue with the Provisional IRA during the 1975 ceasefire, the acquiescence of Labour ministers in continuing indefinite direct rule from Westminster, efforts to mitigate conflict through industrial investment, a major shift in security policy emphasizing the police over the army, the adaptation of republicans to the threat of these new measures and their own adoption of a ‘Long War’ strategy. It sheds light on the challenges faced by British ministers, civil servants, soldiers and policemen and the reasons why the conflict lasted so long. It will be a key text for researchers and students of both British and Northern Irish politics.

A ‘new’ and ‘evolving’ threat to the European Union
Christopher Baker-Beall

3 Constructing the ‘terrorist’ other: a ‘new’ and ‘evolving’ threat to the European Union Introduction This chapter builds on the genealogy of the European Union’s (EU) terrorism as threat discourse that was conducted in Chapter 2, attempting to extend our understanding of the way in which the ‘fight against terrorism’ has been constructed. It does this by analysing four of the discourse strands in a detailed and thematic manner. This is done for four reasons. First, to explore how the four discourse strands contribute to a specific EU understanding of the threat

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
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The ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse and the EU’s emerging role as a holistic security actor
Christopher Baker-Beall

Conclusion: the ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse and the EU’s emerging role as a holistic security actor Introduction The reason that I undertook this study was to make the argument that an in-depth analysis of the language of European Union (EU) counter-terrorism policy, the ‘fight against terrorism’, is essential if we are to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the processes through which security practices at the European level are made possible. In doing so I have sought to draw attention to the important role that the concept of identity plays in

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
Towards supranational governance in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice

The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.

Data and measurement
Susanne Martin and Leonard Weinberg

2 The logic of our approach: data and measurement Our interest is in the study of terrorism as it is used in the context of warfare. Our main concerns lie in understanding the role terrorism has played in warfare and whether the role of terrorism in twenty-first century warfare has changed from previous eras to today and, if it has, in what ways? We investigate terrorism’s role in warfare through an analysis of the timing of terrorist attacks during wider-scale warfare and the outcomes of these wars as regards the groups using terrorism. In the process, we seek

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare
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Michael J. Boyle

Rethinking terrorism and counterterrorism As the case studies in this volume have illustrated, there is no single ‘non-Western’ approach to terrorism. What emerges from the case studies is quite the opposite: a wide diversity of conceptualizations of the threat that are not always wholly in sync with the depictions of the threat favoured by the United States and its allies. To be certain, there are points of agreement. All Western and non-Western countries agree that terrorism is a formidable challenge to the authority of the state and that it

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
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Language and politics
Richard Jackson

terrorism’ and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. The enactment of any large-scale project of political violence – such as war or counter-terrorism – requires a significant degree of political and social consensus and consensus is not possible without language. For a government to commit enormous amounts of public resources and risk

in Writing the war on terrorism