their exclusion from such
processes to be deemed beneficial. In the mid-1990s the discourse of
security was not to do with terrorism and international espionage, as it is
a decade later, but rather to do with the holding back of the forces of
fascism in Russia.
In 1993 the far-right LDPR had won almost a quarter of the popular
vote in Russia’s first post-Soviet general election. The LDPR is no longer
recognised as a serious threat but rather as a constant presence in parliament which generally garners around 15 per cent of the seats and displays
a maverick attitude
in addressing challenges from maritime security to China’s rise, and ASEAN’s transformation from an anti-communist bloc to a forum for major powers to engage made the region’s importance clear. Yet US attention tended to be in reaction to particular crises rather than a focus on the region for its own sake, be it the Asian financial crisis of 1997 or the war on terrorism in the early 2000s. Though this pattern had long been evident, it also prevented the rise of a more strategic, region-wide, and balanced approach to Southeast Asia.
Despite the traditional
Table I.1 Level of security integration (as of 2017)
i This includes the cybersecurity dialogue and anti-terrorism cooperation, etc.
ii Since 2008.
iii Signed in 2010 and entered into force in 2013. Renewed in 2017.
iv Signed in July 2014 and entered into force in December 2014.
v For example
China has diversified security interests, which are much broader
than the single pursuit of militarized security that China used to
After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on
the United States, terrorism and religious extremism were seen as
the most challenging non-traditional security threat, even while (as
), the Canberra
Commission report ( Canberra Commission on the Elimination of
Nuclear Weapons , 1996), The Tokyo Forum Report (1999)
and numerous other declarations by military and political leaders.
These argued that nuclear weapons have no utility in either warfare
or as a response to terrorism, biological or chemical weapon attacks
and that retaining them only served to
, and Somalia stands to lose the most. The intra-Gulf diplomatic rupture has the potential to destabilise the nation, which is recovering from more than two decades of civil war and terrorism. Due to the extent of the Quartet's investment in the country, it could be hard for the FGS to withstand Saudi and UAE pressure, especially if they were to bear down on it. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are markets for more than 80 per cent of Somalia's livestock exports, which comprise the backbone of the Somali economy, contributing over 40 per cent of the country's gross domestic
A comparative case study of Cameroon, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda
Ivica Petrikova and Melita Lazell
give rise to transnational refugee flows (Department for International Development, 2005a : 5, 10; 2015b ). Embedded within this discourse, then, is a strong assumption that through terrorism, international crime and refugee flows, insecurity and underdevelopment in the South have the potential to erode national security in the UK.
The third belief is that development aid can be used to enhance national security (i.e. the securitisation of development aid) (Her Majesty’s Treasury and Department for International Development, 2015 : 3
states, terrorism, organised crime, failing states and the proliferation
of WMD (ESS; Solana, 2003a), the EU enrolled in certain collective
security initiatives. As such, the Union freely and specifically
recognises that ‘problems are rarely solved on a single country
basis, or without regional support’ (Solana, 2003a: 13).
Subsequently, a rationale for the emergence of the EU as a security
, equipment for
forestalling terrorism and saving British lives’, described the
Interrogation Centre as ‘the nerve centre of our anti-terrorism
organization’, and added that without it ‘we should have
virtually no forewarning against terrorism or information on its
Given the strength of these views he felt the need to add:
‘[y]ou may think I exaggerate. But it
romantic narrative of rebellion in Libya remains important as it is connected to the marginalization of
other more negative stories about rebels in the conflict including stories about
crimes, human rights violations and links to al-Qaeda terrorism. The chapter
thus emphasizes the importance of cultural stories for the current perception of
The concept of the ‘rebel’ is ambiguous, as one can imagine both positively
romantic stories of a heroic struggle for freedom against oppression as well as
highly negative stories involving brutal and fanatical rebels