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Abstract only
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz, and Julian Cooper

their exclusion from such processes to be deemed beneficial. In the mid-1990s the discourse of security was not to do with terrorism and international espionage, as it is a decade later, but rather to do with the holding back of the forces of fascism in Russia. In 1993 the far-right LDPR had won almost a quarter of the popular vote in Russia’s first post-Soviet general election. The LDPR is no longer recognised as a serious threat but rather as a constant presence in parliament which generally garners around 15 per cent of the seats and displays a maverick attitude

in Securitising Russia
Promises and perils
Prashanth Parameswaran

in addressing challenges from maritime security to China’s rise, and ASEAN’s transformation from an anti-communist bloc to a forum for major powers to engage made the region’s importance clear. Yet US attention tended to be in reaction to particular crises rather than a focus on the region for its own sake, be it the Asian financial crisis of 1997 or the war on terrorism in the early 2000s. Though this pattern had long been evident, it also prevented the rise of a more strategic, region-wide, and balanced approach to Southeast Asia. Despite the traditional

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Abstract only
Wilhelm Vosse and Paul Midford

obstacle. Table I.1 Level of security integration (as of 2017) i This includes the cybersecurity dialogue and anti-terrorism cooperation, etc. ii Since 2008. iii Signed in 2010 and entered into force in 2013. Renewed in 2017. iv Signed in July 2014 and entered into force in December 2014. v For example

in Japan's new security partnerships
Towards a critical turn?
Yongjin Zhang

context, China has diversified security interests, which are much broader than the single pursuit of militarized security that China used to pursue. After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the United States, terrorism and religious extremism were seen as the most challenging non-traditional security threat, even while (as

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
A critical security appraisal
Marianne Hanson

), the Canberra Commission report ( Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons , 1996), The Tokyo Forum Report (1999) and numerous other declarations by military and political leaders. These argued that nuclear weapons have no utility in either warfare or as a response to terrorism, biological or chemical weapon attacks and that retaining them only served to

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Qatar–Gulf crisis and the Horn of Africa
Abdinor Dahir

, and Somalia stands to lose the most. The intra-Gulf diplomatic rupture has the potential to destabilise the nation, which is recovering from more than two decades of civil war and terrorism. Due to the extent of the Quartet's investment in the country, it could be hard for the FGS to withstand Saudi and UAE pressure, especially if they were to bear down on it. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are markets for more than 80 per cent of Somalia's livestock exports, which comprise the backbone of the Somali economy, contributing over 40 per cent of the country's gross domestic

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
A comparative case study of Cameroon, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda
Ivica Petrikova and Melita Lazell

give rise to transnational refugee flows (Department for International Development, 2005a : 5, 10; 2015b ). Embedded within this discourse, then, is a strong assumption that through terrorism, international crime and refugee flows, insecurity and underdevelopment in the South have the potential to erode national security in the UK. The third belief is that development aid can be used to enhance national security (i.e. the securitisation of development aid) (Her Majesty’s Treasury and Department for International Development, 2015 : 3

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Preempting disorder along the periphery
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

states, terrorism, organised crime, failing states and the proliferation of WMD (ESS; Solana, 2003a), the EU enrolled in certain collective security initiatives. As such, the Union freely and specifically recognises that ‘problems are rarely solved on a single country basis, or without regional support’ (Solana, 2003a: 13). Subsequently, a rationale for the emergence of the EU as a security actor centres

in EU security governance
Abstract only
Results and reactions
Samantha Newbery

, equipment for forestalling terrorism and saving British lives’, described the Interrogation Centre as ‘the nerve centre of our anti-terrorism organization’, and added that without it ‘we should have virtually no forewarning against terrorism or information on its development’. 30 Given the strength of these views he felt the need to add: ‘[y]ou may think I exaggerate. But it

in Interrogation, intelligence and security
Alexander Spencer

romantic narrative of rebellion in Libya remains important as it is connected to the marginalization of other more negative stories about rebels in the conflict including stories about crimes, human rights violations and links to al-Qaeda terrorism. The chapter thus emphasizes the importance of cultural stories for the current perception of rebel movements. The concept of the ‘rebel’ is ambiguous, as one can imagine both positively romantic stories of a heroic struggle for freedom against oppression as well as highly negative stories involving brutal and fanatical rebels

in Romantic narratives in international politics