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A new perspective unfolds
Charlotte Wagnsson

War. 1 The Russian leaders seized the opportunity finally to gain an audience for their analysis of the global security situation. All leaderships declared their moral aim to be to protect the whole of civilised mankind – or the ‘principles of humanity’ – against the evil of terrorism. 2 They emphasised that terrorism emanated from particular geographical areas located beyond

in Security in a greater Europe
David Brown

4 A question of commonality In the TEU, the main features of the new internal security arrangements – including counter terrorism – were labelled as ‘matters of common interest’. While this label has been reproduced in both official and academic analysis on the subject since, there has been little examination of what this term actually means. Although it conjures up connotations of solidarity and shared interests, it remains to be seen whether this is actually the case. By considering both the empirical scale and the nature of the developing terrorist threat

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

2002 when then Persson government radically altered the text of Sweden’s security doctrine (discussed in detail below). The EU’s external dimension has also gathered pace in light of the ‘war on terror’, with the introduction of new measures to combat international terrorism. The ‘war on terror’, combined with the EU’s economic strength and role in the process of globalisation has a dual consequence

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
David Brown

7 Looking back, looking forward Although referring to a different area of EU security co-operation, namely the CFSP, Richard Whitman, in concluding that ‘all the bricks are added together, but they are not structured in a way that bears much weight’,1 has raised similar concerns to those highlighted in this volume. In considering in a structured fashion the first fifteen years of internal security co-operation, both within the Third Pillar more widely and more specifically in terms of developments in police co-operation and counter terrorism, it is difficult to

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
Aislinn O'Donnell

Introduction Why should educators need to know about policies aimed at countering terrorism, radicalisation and (violent) extremism, and how do these policies shape educational practice? The UK’s ‘Four P’ (Protect, Prevent, Pursue, Prepare) conceptualisation of the work-strands of the counter-terrorist strategy (CONTEST), together with the Dutch Information House’s development of countering violent extremism (CVE) as ‘soft interventionism’ ( Kundnani and Hayes, 2018 , p. 6), have shaped wider European and global landscapes in respect of countering (violent

in Encountering extremism
Strategy and mobilisation
Series: Pocket Politics
Author: Andrew Monaghan

Under Vladimir Putin, the Russian leadership has consistently sought to shape a strategic agenda. This book discusses the strategy planning process and the legislative and policy architecture that has taken shape. It explores the nature of the agenda itself, particularly Putin's May Edicts of 2012, which set out Moscow's core strategic agenda. The book examines the questions raised by the numerous problems in planning and the extent to which they undermine the idea of Russian grand strategy. It explores what the Russian leadership means by a 'unified action programme', its emphasis on military modernisation, problems that Russian observers emphasise, strategy undermining, and the relation of mobilisation with the Russian grand strategy. The book argues that Russian strategy is less to be found in Moscow's plans, and more in the so-called vertical of power. The broader picture of Russian grand strategy, and the leadership's ability to implement those plans, is examined. The book discusses patriotic mass mobilisation often referred to as the 'Crimea effect', and the role of the All Russian Popular Front in the implementation of the leadership's plans, especially the May Edicts. It talks about the ongoing debate in the Russian armed forces. Finally, some points regarding Russian grand strategy are discussed.

In the social sciences, recognition is considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts. It discusses the short- and long-term risks and opportunities which arise when local, state and transnational actors recognise armed non-state actors (ANSAs), mis-recognise them or deny them recognition altogether.

The first part of the volume contextualises the politics of recognition in the case of ANSAs. It provides a historical overview of recognition regimes since the Second World War and their diverging impacts on ANSAs’ recognition claims. The second part is dedicated to original case studies, centring on specific conflict phases and covering ANSAs from all over the world. Some examine the politics of recognition during armed conflicts, others in conflict stalemates, and others still in mediation and peace processes. The third part of the volume discusses how the politics of recognition impacts practitioners’ engagement with conflict parties, gives an outlook on policies vis-à-vis ANSAs, and sketches trajectories for future research in the field.

The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

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Resisting racism in times of national security
Editor: Asim Qureshi

In times of national security, scholars and activists who hail from the communities under suspicion attempt to draw readers and listeners to the complexity of the world we inhabit. For those who campaigned against the SUS law in the 1980s, when young Black men were being routinely stopped in the streets, the wave of counter-terrorism legislation and policy that exists today will be very familiar. Similarly, recent discussions about the impact of drill music in the culture of young Black men has drawn questions around the ways in which they should be securitised, with senior police calling for the use of terrorism legislation against them. In this environment, when those who study and have lived alongside the communities who are at the scrutiny of the state raise questions about the government, military and police policy, they are often shut down as terrorist-sympathisers, or apologists for gang culture. In such environments, there is an expectation on scholars and activists to condemn what society at large fears. This volume is about how that expectation has emerged alongside the normalisation of racism, and how these writers choose to subvert the expectations raised on them, as part of their commitment to anti-racism.

Egypt’s counter-terrorism policy post-9/ 11 and beyond
Bassant Hassib

“independent CSOs” by associating CSOs with national security threats; i.e., terrorism. Hence, under the umbrella of counter-terrorism citizens allow, cheer, and encourage the state’s extraordinary measures to crack down on CSOs. Correspondingly, securitization of CSOs is no longer solely state-driven, but also “ non-state driven ”; society practices self-policing. Second, the high

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Roel Meijer

Introduction This chapter will analyse the Saudi counterterrorism discourse in the period between 2003 and 2010. Much was written on these programmes at the time, but the religious side of the programme has seldom been investigated in depth. 1 This period is an interesting one, because for the first time Saudi Arabia was itself confronted with terrorism. It developed a two-pronged strategy: a ‘soft’ ideological one and a ‘hard’, repressive one. It is especially the soft measures and the counterterrorist religious discourse of the state that has

in Non-Western responses to terrorism