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Umberto Tulli

right in pointing out a political discontinuity between the civil rights movement’s experience of the 1960s and the human rights surge of the 1970s. The Vietnam War and its legacies provided this discontinuity. The war was not an “incubator” of human rights ideas. Nevertheless, it produced three major changes that contributed to the prominence of human rights in American foreign policy during the 1970s. 6 First, to many Americans, the Vietnam War proved the moral bankruptcy and imperialist bias of their country’s foreign policy. 7 The war opened the Pandora’s box

in A precarious equilibrium
Joseph Heller

Vietnam War and Israel’s position on the Soviet Jews prevented improved relations. The Israeli foreign ministry argued that the Marxist doctrine of historical materialism required the Soviet Union to recognize that Israel’s political weight was greater than its population would indicate. Chuvakhin agreed, but complained that Israel had tied its fate to the West. 22 Israel rejected Soviet criticism of its

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Sources of anti-Americanism
Mitchell B. Reiss

the Vietnam War and what they viewed as American imperialism. Those who are ‘reflexively pro-American’ are far fewer and less able to counter the voices of anti-Americanism. To recap, there are important systemic changes that promote and encourage a greater prominence and higher profile for the United States in world affairs, due largely to American military, economic and diplomatic primacy. They require the United States to play a larger role than before as a provider of regional and international security, at a time when many of the old rules are changing, but new

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Open Access (free)
Ross M. English

has not declared war on a nation since World War II. Similarly, while Congress has the power to withdraw funds from any military action it disapproves of, the public support of the armed forces which President and Congress 123 generally greets military action makes Congress wary of being seen to oppose the President. One main criticism of Congress during the Vietnam War was that it shirked its responsibilities by, in the Gulf of Tonkin resolution, giving President Johnson a blank cheque to pursue the war in any way he wished. However, these limitations do not

in The United States Congress
Helena Grice

in life. 2 In drawing attention to the messiness of the Vietnam War – its lack of a neat ending – Kingston is following a by-now established and widely acknowledged scholarly view. 3 For instance, in Vietnam: Anatomy of a Peace , Gabriel Kolko writes: All wars profoundly transmute social and human realities, and it is only with this pervasive truth in mind that we can begin to comprehend the whole course of Vietnam’s history, not only over the thirty years of the war but, above all, after it ended in 1975. There

in Maxine Hong Kingston
The ethical use of historical medical documentation
Jessica Meyer and Alexia Moncrieff

The importance of this naming practice – of making the dead visible as historic actors – can be seen in the proliferation of lists of names on war memorials around the world. In the United States, the practice arguably reached its apotheosis in Maya Lin's Vietnam War Memorial where ‘the names act as surrogates for the bodies of the Vietnam War dead’. 26 As Jay Winter points out, the memorial ‘brought the American dead of the Vietnam war back into American history’. 27

in Patient voices in Britain, 1840–1948
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Ashley Lavelle

period of capitalist consolidation, domestic anti-communism, state repression, and geopolitical events – such as Stalinist terror in the Soviet Union – that prompted a reappraisal of their political frameworks. Similarly, some ex-1960s radicals put their past political activities behind them in the early 1970s when the anti-Vietnam War movement collapsed and capitalism and the state emerged shaken but, alas, unbowed. Irving Howe has invoked a historical pattern that American radicalism follows, starting with a period of growth, an upsurge in energy, and a 167

in The politics of betrayal
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Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

very happy years as a graduate student at Cornell’ –​suffering homesickness, ‘unprepared for the foreignness of the United States’ and ‘discomforted by the bitter cold of snow and wet in an upstate New  York winter’. Yet his experiences of life in America ‘would fundamentally affect my future life’. He discontinued his studies in Southeast Asian studies and embraced US politics, drawn into it by the issues of the Vietnam War. This started his life-​long relationship with the United States that he describes as ‘second only to the relationships with my immediate family

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
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Linnie Blake

, burning and deforestation of Vietnam in the name of freedom became public knowledge via the news media, as thousands of American men were forcibly conscripted into the military, many returning home in body bags, millions took to the streets to protest at their own government’s traumatic distortion of the ‘meaning’ of American freedoms. As students were gunned down on their university campus for defending rights enshrined in their Constitution, the massive dislocations wrought to American self-image by the Vietnam War abroad and civil strife at home became increasingly

in The wounds of nations
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Spanish alienation in a foreign landscape
Ann Davies

come together to form a unit. Vietnam War film platoons, in particular, are often composed of disparate characters, sometimes crudely divided into idealists and cynics, who nonetheless function as a unit to some extent when under enemy fire. For Guerreros Calparsoro had a budget of 600 million pesetas, double the amount he had for Asfalto. The screenplay was written by Calparsoro and Juan Cavestany, who was also responsible for the script of Los lobos de Washington (The Washington Wolves, Mariano Barroso, 1999). It was shown to representatives of the United Nations

in Daniel Calparsoro