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Implications for human security, civil society, and charities
Kawser Ahmed and Scott N. Romaniuk

rights and freedoms; the danger of information sharing between Canada and other countries; absence of a robust oversight mechanism to avoid abuse of power; amendment of the Non-Disclosure of Information – Canada Evidence Act, section 38.04 to allow open proceedings; Terrorist Financing Offences relating to terrorist financing (Criminal Code sections 83.02, 83.03 and 83.04) were

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Zoha Waseem

insecurity amongst the people residing in that vicinity and the public in general and sparked countrywide outrage against the abuse of power by the wealthy people in Pakistan.” Based on this CS petition, the apex court nullified the decision of the High Court, restoring terrorism charges against Jatoi. The decision by a select group of CS activists to rely on counter

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Ariella Azoulay

to show them, one needs the permission of the CICR. Permission depends on the CICR’s approval of any text that an archive user might write to accompany the photographs.5 By controlling the way photographs are described in public, the archive sentries appear authorised to deny citizens the right to freely read their history, show it to others, reinterpret it, share it and imagine another future out of it. With this abuse of power, the archive betrays its vocation as a public institution and as a depository of documents that belong to the public, if only because they

in Image operations
When is a convention not a convention?
Philip Norton

of the need for ministers to know of the likely effects of their actions. Ministers appeared more circumspect thereafter and, as we have seen, despite media reports that the prime minister may act in a way as to defy the convention, he failed to do so. The occasions also served, perhaps counter-intuitively, to demonstrate the value of conventions. There is no legal requirement for the monarch to accept the advice of ministers. If ministers offered advice that was utterly perverse and an apparent abuse of power, there is the ultimate sanction of the monarch

in Governing Britain
Abstract only
Alison Phipps

remarked that sex appeared to have overshadowed harassment. For journalist Melissa Gira Grant, the increasingly popular term ‘sexual misconduct’ tended to evoke the interpersonal rather than the systemic and gave the impression that women were asking to be insulated from sex rather than objecting to abuses of power.28 Others were concerned that the focus on sex could feed a ‘moral panic’ around sexual behaviour which could 75 PHIPPS 9781526147172 PRINT.indd 75 14/01/2020 13:18 Me, not you disproportionately impact queer communities and/or sex workers, as had happened

in Me, not you
A. J. Coates

the specific contexts in which states and terrorists operate for the sake of an abstract and, therefore, thin identity. That identity leads us astray, distorting our understanding both of the state’s abuse of power and of terrorism. Both states and terrorists target noncombatants but they do so in very different circumstances and, in these cases, circumstances can make the difference, morally speaking. It is not that analysts are unaware of differing circumstances. They are aware of them but they choose to discount them. Grayling, for example, acknowledges that

in The ethics of war
Tom Gallagher

with favoured economic interests. The multi-level administrative system and a closed list system of proportional representation enabled the parties to capture much of the state and upgrade a form of oligarchical politics that had sparked off periodic waves of unrest when systematically practised between 1873 and 1923. Property laws were systematically abused. Parliament barely stirred itself when the property boom collapsed in 2011. Cesar Molinas, one of the few political analysts to take a strong interest in the abuse of power, wrote in 2012 that the financial

in Europe’s path to crisis
Nigel D. White

, Peace and Security, adopted within the ‘hyper-masculinized context’ of international security. 82 Furthermore, as advocated by Chinkin and Charlesworth, if international law is neither seen simply as a reflection of power nor is interpreted to reinforce hierarchies, but as a ‘method of controlling the use and abuse of power, it can provide protection against arbitrary determinations and unfettered discretion and therefore as basis for accountability’. 83 The question remains as to whether the UN and other IGOs have been held accountable for the denial and abuse of

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Nigel D. White

review undermines the principle of the rule of law, as does the concentration of power in the field of collective security in the hands of the Security Council. Indeed, the concentration of all three functions in the Security Council, in effect enabling it to act as lawmaker, judge and executioner, at least in the area of collective security, clearly represents a recipe for abuse of power, or more starkly the combination of all three powers is ‘the very definition of tyranny’. 48 A benefit of a separation of powers is that ‘power will check power’, 49 for example by

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Nigel D. White

. Obviously institutional actions or inactions will directly affect member states and they should be the main actors for policing the abuse of power by IGOs. This would strongly suggest that the ICJ’s Statute should be amended to allow cases to be brought by member states against organs of the UN in order to review the legality of their acts. Furthermore, since individuals are increasingly being affected by the actions or inactions of the UN and other IGOs, there are grounds for allowing a more limited form of locus standi to individuals to challenge the legality of

in The law of international organisations (third edition)