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Ariella Azoulay

to show them, one needs the permission of the CICR. Permission depends on the CICR’s approval of any text that an archive user might write to accompany the photographs.5 By controlling the way photographs are described in public, the archive sentries appear authorised to deny citizens the right to freely read their history, show it to others, reinterpret it, share it and imagine another future out of it. With this abuse of power, the archive betrays its vocation as a public institution and as a depository of documents that belong to the public, if only because they

in Image operations
Abstract only
Alison Phipps

remarked that sex appeared to have overshadowed harassment. For journalist Melissa Gira Grant, the increasingly popular term ‘sexual misconduct’ tended to evoke the interpersonal rather than the systemic and gave the impression that women were asking to be insulated from sex rather than objecting to abuses of power.28 Others were concerned that the focus on sex could feed a ‘moral panic’ around sexual behaviour which could 75 PHIPPS 9781526147172 PRINT.indd 75 14/01/2020 13:18 Me, not you disproportionately impact queer communities and/or sex workers, as had happened

in Me, not you
Meir Hatina

Brotherhood’s ranks. What went wrong? Where are we heading? In contrast to the abuse of power by the Egyptian Brotherhood, al-Nahda in Tunisia, which achieved considerable success in the 2011 elections, demonstrated restraint in its relations with other, essentially secular, political forces, some of which were part of the old regime of Zine al-Abidine. It even affiliated with them in the government’s coalition after the 2011 and 2014 elections. Since its founding in the 1970s, the movement has been characterized by its moderate political

in Arab liberal thought in the modern age
Florence D’Souza

denunciations, however, are far from similar. James Mill was convinced that this mixed system of government, with the military affairs under British control and the civil administration under the native prince’s own staff, resulted only in ‘misgovernment’ and ‘mismanagement’, in particular because it eliminated the traditional forms of political checks and balances against the tyrannical abuse of power: 20

in Knowledge, mediation and empire
Abstract only
Where are the workers
Lea Bou Khater

– leading to corruption and abuse of power – and discipline ‘that is maintained through the exploitation of primordial cleavages, often relying on balanced rivalry between different ethnic/sectarian groups’. 27 In these conditions, any political reform is perceived as a prospect of ruin for the elite of the coercive apparatus, which also has the advantage of taming the opposition. In turn, patrimonial institutions are less receptive to political change and democratic initiatives. Conversely, a high level of institutionalisation would

in The labour movement in Lebanon
In conversation with Jackie Dugard
Zuziwe Khuzwayo and Ragi Bashonga

students and staff and a disclosure policy. The disclosure policy dealt with if you are a supervisor or a manager of a student or staff member, you should not be having a sexual relationship with that person. That’s considered to be a conflict of interest, so part of the policy addresses this. We then realised that there is a whole other factor in a university which has to do with abuse of power; so then we brought into effect another policy saying that even if you are not supervising a student, you may not have a

in Intimacy and injury
Tom Gallagher

with favoured economic interests. The multi-level administrative system and a closed list system of proportional representation enabled the parties to capture much of the state and upgrade a form of oligarchical politics that had sparked off periodic waves of unrest when systematically practised between 1873 and 1923. Property laws were systematically abused. Parliament barely stirred itself when the property boom collapsed in 2011. Cesar Molinas, one of the few political analysts to take a strong interest in the abuse of power, wrote in 2012 that the financial

in Europe’s path to crisis
Nigel D. White

, Peace and Security, adopted within the ‘hyper-masculinized context’ of international security. 82 Furthermore, as advocated by Chinkin and Charlesworth, if international law is neither seen simply as a reflection of power nor is interpreted to reinforce hierarchies, but as a ‘method of controlling the use and abuse of power, it can provide protection against arbitrary determinations and unfettered discretion and therefore as basis for accountability’. 83 The question remains as to whether the UN and other IGOs have been held accountable for the denial and abuse of

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Nigel D. White

review undermines the principle of the rule of law, as does the concentration of power in the field of collective security in the hands of the Security Council. Indeed, the concentration of all three functions in the Security Council, in effect enabling it to act as lawmaker, judge and executioner, at least in the area of collective security, clearly represents a recipe for abuse of power, or more starkly the combination of all three powers is ‘the very definition of tyranny’. 48 A benefit of a separation of powers is that ‘power will check power’, 49 for example by

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Nigel D. White

. Obviously institutional actions or inactions will directly affect member states and they should be the main actors for policing the abuse of power by IGOs. This would strongly suggest that the ICJ’s Statute should be amended to allow cases to be brought by member states against organs of the UN in order to review the legality of their acts. Furthermore, since individuals are increasingly being affected by the actions or inactions of the UN and other IGOs, there are grounds for allowing a more limited form of locus standi to individuals to challenge the legality of

in The law of international organisations (third edition)