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A critical space for social movements in Ireland
Margaret Gillan and Laurence Cox

different locations and how collaboration and sharing material for editing can enable a range of outputs speaking to different audiences. Meanwhile Irish police were also travelling, to seminars in Britain and Europe where they were told that anti-globalisation protestors were ‘the new terrorists’ and encouraged to react more aggressively. This was manifested at anti-privatisation protests in Dublin and most famously at the May 2002 Reclaim the Streets protest which saw a ‘Garda riot’ on Dame Street, with police batoning bystanders (including people in taxi queues

in Defining events
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

safeguarding of individual freedom.’ (Rojas, 2001 : 107) However, opposition to globalisation in Sweden is deeply linked to the issue of the welfare state. Swedish Attac, the Swedish wing of the global Attac anti-globalisation movement, locates their concern about the effects of globalisation on the ability of the Swedish state to protect its citizens. The

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Institutionalisation and democractisation in Chávez’s Venezuela
Barry Cannon

and in the running of neighbourhood councils. Indeed all these policies and measures go far beyond being simply ‘leftist ideas’, but rather point to a process of practical experimentation, grounded in socialist thought and past experience, as well as on more recent ‘anti-globalisation’ thought, which aims to seek viable alternatives, in the economic, social and political spheres, which are more responsive to local contexts and conditions than the one-size-fits-all model of market-oriented liberal democracy prevalent today. With this

in Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian revolution
Eve Hepburn

Christian Democrats were dominant in the post-war period, and the left formed a permanent – though divided – opposition. But on closer inspection there are particular nuances in the Sardinian party system that differentiate it from other regions and Italian politics in general. These include: the presence of the oldest nationalist party in Italy, the Psd’Az, whose ideological flexibility enabled it to act as coalition partner to both the Christian Democrats and the left; the autonomist positions of Sardinian branches of statewide parties; and the advent of anti-globalisation

in Using Europe
Anna Dezeuze

. Writing about Rehearsal I in 2003, Alÿs noted its resonance with the anti-globalisation protests that were taking place at the time against the fifth World Trade Organisation conference in Cancún.119 In Mexico, this clash between globalisation and anti-globalisation translated differently, mused Alÿs: the Cancún demonstrations marked a crucial moment in which the ‘modernity’ of global capital was being challenged, when in fact this modernity had yet to actually fulfil its promises in Mexico itself. Indeed, a discussion at one of the World Social Forums was entitled

in Almost nothing
Abstract only
Saul Newman

criticism at the same time seems to ignore the emergence of what many people see as a movement for global democracy and justice: the ‘anti-globalisation’ movement suggests new forms of democratic identity and decision making which are increasingly transnational in nature. I will say more about this movement in the following chapter, but it is surprising that Mouffe’s analysis seems to ignore the possibility that ‘the people’, or some notion of democratic citizenship, could be constituted globally and beyond the borders of the nation state. Moreover, the global sense of

in Unstable universalities
Michael Loadenthal

solidified struggles in the “social” and “anti-social.” The informal international translation and counter-information network has a specific reality that comprises much more than any of its individual parts, one that has eclipsed many Indymedia sites that have been based on a very weak set of political and social values, largely based on the phony social contract of civil rights, negotiation and legal defiance of democracy that characterized the “anti-summit”/“anti-globalisation” period from where it sprang 13 years ago. The informal internet anarchist network overcomes

in The politics of attack
Bilge Firat

the EU– Turkey economic integration did not mature into political integration, throughout Turkey’s EU saga the customs union has been a historical marker in building this supportive yet ultimately metonymical relationship between Turkey and its business community. ‘The China of Europe’ Despite strong domestic dissent often couched as anti-globalisation sentiments, many in the country were ecstatic when Turkish and EU politicians sealed the customs union agreement, thanks in part to the lobbying campaign (Eder 2001; Ülgen 2006; Ülgen & Zahariadis 2004; Yılmaz 2007

in Diplomacy and lobbying during Turkey’s Europeanisation
Isabelle Hertner

chord, because numerous PS activists were flirting with the anti-​globalisation movement. The ‘yes’ camp, on the other hand, focused on non-​economic arguments, stressing that the new treaty would bring positive changes for EU foreign policy as well as the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Fabius was by no means a Eurosceptic, nor did he belong to the minority left wing of the PS. His move can be best understood as an attempt to become the PS’s leading presidential candidate for 2007. The 2004 debate over the EU Constitutional Treaty thus split the PS into three camps

in Centre-left parties and the European Union
Abstract only
Katrina Navickas

periods when ‘deferential bitterness’ cracked in some areas into open resistance. Though it originated from specific historical and socio-­ economic contexts of place, rural resistance was not localised or bounded. Doreen Massey has powerfully argued that both historical opposition to enclosure and modern anti-­globalisation campaigns were ‘not local protectionism but a critique of dispossession’.92 On the one hand, Luddites and C. Griffin, ‘More-­ than-­ human histories and the failure of grand state schemes: sylviculture in the New Forest, England’, Cultural

in Protest and the politics of space and place, 1789–1848