Postmemory and identity in harki and pied noir narratives
reconstruction and exceed comprehension. These events
happened in the past, but their effects continue in the present. (2012: 5)
Yet, as both Kerchouche and Galdeano suggest, reticence, the fathers’
repression of the trauma of war and decolonization, produces equally devastating effects and urges the postgeneration to repair the violence of the
past and the (self-)enforced silence through telling and writing. The pied
noir son’s family narrative in Harkis, pieds-noirs, nos cœurs orphelins and the
harki daughter’s imaginative reconstruction of her parents’ past are both
society. As the Introduction notes, these factors will be present in different proportion in each case, yet one or some combination of them will produce the dominant frame or interpretation for the threat of terrorism that will determine the government's response. For some countries, like Egypt and Algeria, the history of violence within the state – specifically, the struggles for decolonization and the attending social fissures that came about afterwards – looms large and determines much about who is, and is not, considered a terrorist. For others, like Saudi Arabia
3 A. Allen , The End of Progress: Decolonizing the Normative Foundations of Critical Theory ( New York : Columbia University Press , 2016 ), pp. 156 , 125 .
4 RtJ , p. 13.
5 N&P , p. 7.
6 R. Forst , ‘ Noumenal Power ’, Journal of Political Philosophy , 23 : 2 ( 2015 ), 111 – 127 ; N&P , especially the introduction and ch. 1.
7 Allen, The End of Progress , p. 143.
8 Forst, ‘Noumenal Power’, 112.
9 Ibid. , 126 n. 48; Forst is quoting here from H. Arendt , Crises of the Republic ( New York : Harcourt, Brace and Co ., 1972 ), p. 152
In this chapter we look at the work and perspectives of historians in the field of postcolonial history. The decades immediately following the Second World War have often been described as the ‘age of decolonization’. During the second half of the twentieth century the European powers granted independence to, or were forced out of, colonies acquired over the previous four centuries. 1 The magnitude of European imperial expansion may be measured both by its unprecedented geographic spread, and the millions of human beings whose lives and cultures were
USA attempted to build functioning, cohesive and legitimate state institutions in less developed contexts,
including new states emerging from the decolonization process? Have these
lessons been learned, or have they been lost?
A substantial body of scholarship has argued that American foreign
policy-makers have long exacerbated or even created problems of instability
and militarism in the Third World through shortsighted ‘security assistance’
programmes. One central problem such scholars perceive is a tendency on
Washington’s part to analyse events in the Third
Iain Lindsey, Tess Kay, Ruth Jeanes, and Davies Banda
little sport may offer development; and to learn more about the forms of support
required to achieve this. Our being involved researchers has, therefore, enhanced
the quality of the research, not detracted from it.
Underpinning this approach has been our commitment to localizing
and decolonizing knowledge production. The decolonization standpoint advocates
that knowledge production can significantly benefit from culturally appropriate
The Xinjiang emergency in China’s ‘new type of international relations’
(IR) approaches to reverse ‘national humiliation’ and de-colonize world order. Leading intellectuals narrate China's identity as a ‘new type of superpower’, using consent and harmony to organize domestic politics and world order, contrasted against Western coercion and conflict (Hu 2012 ; Zhang 2012 ). Critical political scientists describe political challenges in democracies (terrorism, financial crises, and declining incomes) as evidence that we live in an ‘age of anxiety’ (Eklundh et al.
2017 ). However, China’s foreign policy
“as a problem, as trouble, as danger, not as a solution”. 9 This was completely understandable given his location as a displaced colonial subject bearing witness to the “articulation of decolonization with the darker geopolitics of the global Cold War”. 10 For Hall, the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary and the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev’s condemnation of Joseph Stalin, were game-changers. It was a “curious time for a colonial to be experiencing life in the metropole”, and Hall came to question profoundly whether class struggle alone was enough to undo racism
Scholarly personae: what they are and why they matter
always models that historians adopted voluntarily: they could be imposed through state-sponsored
institutions and enforced through legal and political mechanisms (which
shows in passing that personae could be important enough to gain political
attention). Chapter 10, on UNESCO’s General History of Africa project,
discusses another highly politicized case: the attempt to create a truly
‘African historian’, distinct from the ‘Western historian’ associated with
colonial regimes. Ironically, this ‘decolonization’ of scholarly personae
was not very successful, partly
agreements that mandated international organizations consult the OAU when operating in the African region. African states sought to embed themselves in the UN to enhance their influence and also craft the agenda where it suited their principles and regional interests. In practice this meant using the UN to condemn colonial and white-minority regimes to achieve total liberation while simultaneously keeping internal disputes within and amongst independent African states off the UNSC agenda.
The African Group played a critical role in keeping apartheid and decolonization