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Joel M. Dodson

: for Donne, the ‘fecundity’ in true religion emerges precisely in the local, if illiberal, demands confession places on the self in the ‘natural’, ‘spiritual’, and ‘civil’ life of the divided Body of Christ. These demands figured prominently in the Hague sermon’s audience and occasion. Hastily delivered at the end of Lord Doncaster’s ambassadorial trip through the Palatinate and Northern Europe, Donne’s December 1619 address followed closely on the heels of the conclusion of the Synod of Dort, yielding a text he would only later compile from ‘short notes’ in 1630, during

in Forms of faith
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The ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse and the EU’s emerging role as a holistic security actor
Christopher Baker-Beall

. 16 Council of the European Union, European Council Conclusions 26/27 June 2014, EUCO 79/14, Brussels, 27 June 2014. 17 Ibid., p. 2. 18 Didier Bigo, ‘Globalized (In)Security: The Field and the Ban-Opticon’, in Didier Bigo and Anastassia Tsoukala (eds), Terror, Insecurity and Liberty:  Illiberal Practices of Liberal Regimes after 9/11 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), p. 23. 19 Ibid., p. 18. 20 Derek Lutterbeck, ‘Blurring the dividing line: the convergence of internal and external security in Western Europe’, European Security, 14:2 (2005), 231–253. 21 Ibid., 231

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
Lucile Maertens

practices’ (Bigo and McCluskey 2018 : 1). CSS encompasses studies that look at security actors, security practices, and security material and visual objects while questioning their political effects on populations (Collective CASE 2006 ; Balzacq et al. 2010 ). For instance, critical scholars have extensively explored the ‘war on terror’ denouncing the dispositif of counter-terrorism policies, illiberal practices, and surveillance technologies established in democratic countries (Bigo and Tsoukala 2008 ). In the case of migration, CSS also points to the process of

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Mark Garnett

blood with predictions that the Labour Party was on the verge of adopting fully-fledged ‘Bennery’, the new hero of the left was widely accused of ‘totalitarian’ instincts. Even after Benn’s influence within the Labour movement had started to wane, Kenneth Morgan commented that ‘His approach has been presented in a tone of illiberal dogma which recalls the puritanical excesses of the Fifth Monarchy men’ (Morgan, 1992: 312). The association of Benn with seventeenth-century British radicals is suggestive; but the ‘illiberal’ label, as applied to Benn personally, is

in Labour orators from Bevan to Miliband
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’
Lawrence Black

, 275) has highlighted a recurring tendency towards ‘illiberal egalitarianism’ in Left, radical movements from abolitionism through progressivism to the 1960s’ New Left. Whilst reformers ‘blame oppressive institutions for the current degradation . . . of people’, this ‘often seeps through to disdain for the people themselves, who appear quite content to live lives that to egalitarians seem shallow and inauthentic, materialistic and selfish’. Thumbing one’s nose at the masses, however characteristic of protest culture, rarely assisted a mass movement. In Britain

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Spiritualism and the Atlantic divide
Bridget Bennett

indexed references. Anonymous, A Reply to Captain Marryat’s Illiberal and Incorrect Statements Relative to the Coloured West Indies, as Published in his Work, Entitled, ‘A Diary in America’, London, E. Justins & Sons, 1840. See Anonymous, A Reply to Captain Marryat, p. 3. The claim is made by a figure signed ‘A Coloured West Indian’. For details of Frederick Marryat’s life see David Hannay, Life of Frederick Marryat, London, Walter Scott, New York and Toronto, W.G. Gage and Co., 1889, and Florence Marryat, Life and Letters of Captain Marryat (2 volumes), London, Richard

in Special relationships
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Karl Polanyi in the twenty-first century
Radhika Desai

economic, two political; two domestic and two international – that sought to realize the project. Now liberal society – both the project of creating a market society and managing its impact in an ad hoc and spontaneous manner – was no longer viable. Illiberal alternatives, alternatives involving the state centrally, this time in consciously organizing other, non-market, forms of social integration, 4 DESAI 9781526127884 PRINT.indd 4 12/06/2020 09:16 Karl Polanyi in the twenty-first century were bound to emerge. Would they be fascist and National Socialist or

in Karl Polanyi and twenty-first-century capitalism
Alan P. Dobson

wing and anti-socialist than Britain. There have also been radical departures over slavery and empire and colonialism, and the consequent ideological positioning of the two countries has not always drawn interpretative consensus. For instance, a recent historical analysis, which centers on the idea of America succeeding Britain as an international hegemon, contends that in the nineteenth century Britain was a liberal but not a democratic state while the United States was democratic but illiberal, most obviously evidenced in slavery and attitudes towards indigenous

in Culture matters
Marcel H. Van Herpen

had universal male suffrage, was not very democratic, but had a developed Rechtsstaat with an independent judiciary. Unfortunately, Bobbio’s statement that non-liberal democratic states would be “inconceivable” has also been disproved by the facts. In recent years new EU member states, such as Poland and Hungary, which embraced liberal democracy after the fall of communism, have developed into illiberal democracies. 23 They are a warning of what can go wrong. These “illiberal democracies” have forgotten that the essence of liberal politics is not the stubborn

in The end of populism
Marxism and Civil War memory
Matthew E. Stanley

commercial farmers against an also expansionistic slaveholding class characterized variously as illiberal capitalist, pre-capitalist, late-stage feudalist, or merchant capitalist, or even vaguely as “agrarian.” Influenced by Beardianism and contemporary European Marxist scholars including Georges Lefebvre and Christopher Hill, who respectively charted the French Revolution and the English Civil War as class conflicts that freed the capitalist impulses of the urban middle classes from their feudal restraints, Marxist historians came to emphasize the bourgeois nature of the

in Marxism and America