: for Donne, the ‘fecundity’ in
true religion emerges precisely in the local, if illiberal, demands confession
places on the self in the ‘natural’, ‘spiritual’, and ‘civil’ life of the divided
Body of Christ.
These demands figured prominently in the Hague sermon’s audience and
occasion. Hastily delivered at the end of Lord Doncaster’s ambassadorial
trip through the Palatinate and Northern Europe, Donne’s December 1619
address followed closely on the heels of the conclusion of the Synod of Dort,
yielding a text he would only later compile from ‘short notes’ in 1630, during
The ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse and the EU’s emerging role as a holistic security actor
16 Council of the European Union, European Council Conclusions 26/27 June
2014, EUCO 79/14, Brussels, 27 June 2014.
17 Ibid., p. 2.
18 Didier Bigo, ‘Globalized (In)Security: The Field and the Ban-Opticon’, in Didier
Bigo and Anastassia Tsoukala (eds), Terror, Insecurity and Liberty: Illiberal
Practices of Liberal Regimes after 9/11 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), p. 23.
19 Ibid., p. 18.
20 Derek Lutterbeck, ‘Blurring the dividing line: the convergence of internal and
external security in Western Europe’, European Security, 14:2 (2005), 231–253.
21 Ibid., 231
practices’ (Bigo and McCluskey 2018 : 1). CSS encompasses studies that look at security actors, security practices, and security material and visual objects while questioning their political effects on populations (Collective CASE 2006 ; Balzacq et al. 2010 ). For instance, critical scholars have extensively explored the ‘war on terror’ denouncing the dispositif of counter-terrorism policies, illiberal practices, and surveillance technologies established in democratic countries (Bigo and Tsoukala 2008 ). In the case of migration, CSS also points to the process of
blood with predictions that the Labour Party was on the verge of adopting
fully-fledged ‘Bennery’, the new hero of the left was widely accused of ‘totalitarian’
instincts. Even after Benn’s influence within the Labour movement had started to
wane, Kenneth Morgan commented that ‘His approach has been presented in a
tone of illiberal dogma which recalls the puritanical excesses of the Fifth Monarchy
men’ (Morgan, 1992: 312). The association of Benn with seventeenth-century
British radicals is suggestive; but the ‘illiberal’ label, as applied to Benn personally,
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’
, 275) has
highlighted a recurring tendency towards ‘illiberal egalitarianism’ in Left, radical
movements from abolitionism through progressivism to the 1960s’ New Left.
Whilst reformers ‘blame oppressive institutions for the current degradation . . . of
people’, this ‘often seeps through to disdain for the people themselves, who appear
quite content to live lives that to egalitarians seem shallow and inauthentic, materialistic and selfish’. Thumbing one’s nose at the masses, however characteristic of
protest culture, rarely assisted a mass movement.
Anonymous, A Reply to Captain Marryat’s Illiberal and Incorrect Statements
Relative to the Coloured West Indies, as Published in his Work, Entitled, ‘A
Diary in America’, London, E. Justins & Sons, 1840.
See Anonymous, A Reply to Captain Marryat, p. 3. The claim is made by a
ﬁgure signed ‘A Coloured West Indian’. For details of Frederick Marryat’s life
see David Hannay, Life of Frederick Marryat, London, Walter Scott, New York
and Toronto, W.G. Gage and Co., 1889, and Florence Marryat, Life and Letters
of Captain Marryat (2 volumes), London, Richard
economic, two political; two domestic and two international
– that sought to realize the project. Now liberal society – both the project of creating
a market society and managing its impact in an ad hoc and spontaneous manner –
was no longer viable. Illiberal alternatives, alternatives involving the state centrally,
this time in consciously organizing other, non-market, forms of social integration,
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Karl Polanyi in the twenty-first century
were bound to emerge. Would they be fascist and National Socialist or
wing and anti-socialist than Britain. There have also been radical departures over slavery and empire and colonialism, and the consequent ideological positioning of the two countries has not always drawn interpretative consensus. For instance, a recent historical analysis, which centers on the idea of America succeeding Britain as an international hegemon, contends that in the nineteenth century Britain was a liberal but not a democratic state while the United States was democratic but illiberal, most obviously evidenced in slavery and attitudes towards indigenous
had universal male suffrage, was not very democratic, but had a developed Rechtsstaat with an independent judiciary. Unfortunately, Bobbio’s statement that non-liberal democratic states would be “inconceivable” has also been disproved by the facts. In recent years new EU member states, such as Poland and Hungary, which embraced liberal democracy after the fall of communism, have developed into illiberal democracies. 23 They are a warning of what can go wrong. These “illiberal democracies” have forgotten that the essence of liberal politics is not the stubborn
commercial farmers against an also expansionistic slaveholding class characterized variously as illiberal capitalist, pre-capitalist, late-stage feudalist, or merchant capitalist, or even vaguely as “agrarian.” Influenced by Beardianism and contemporary European Marxist scholars including Georges Lefebvre and Christopher Hill, who respectively charted the French Revolution and the English Civil War as class conflicts that freed the capitalist impulses of the urban middle classes from their feudal restraints, Marxist historians came to emphasize the bourgeois nature of the