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Kathryn Nash

Liberia in August 1990. This was just as the Cold War was ending and before international interventions in Iraq and Somalia in the early 1990s. The only other possible parallel is the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States intervention in Grenada in 1983. Although in the case of Grenada the international community and the UN condemned the intervention as setting a dangerous precedent, and there are sufficient differences, including the involvement of the US and a secondary motivation to prevent the spread of communism, that render the parallel inappropriate. 50

in African peace
The view from New Delhi
Rajesh Rajagopalan

Pakistan would explicitly use a strategy of threatening nuclear escalation both to constrain India’s superior conventional military power and to garner international intervention in the Kashmir dispute. This became the unwritten Pakistani nuclear doctrine: because of the presumed Indian conventional military superiority, Pakistan was prepared to use nuclear weapons first and – it hinted – early if Indian forces entered Pakistan’s territory. Indeed, early statements suggested that Pakistan will escalate to the nuclear level

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation
Constance Duncombe

Ukrainian compliance with the nuclear nonproliferation regime’, Political Psychology 17 (1996), p. 732; Shih, ‘National role conception as foreign policy motivation’, p. 602. 82 Matthew S. Hirshberg, ‘The self-perpetuating national self-image: Cognitive biases in perceptions of international interventions’, Political Psychology 14 (1993), p. 78; Colin Bird, ‘Status, identity and respect’, Political Theory 32 (2004), pp. 207

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Finding a role after the Second World War
Rosemary Cresswell

within and beyond Europe, ranging from Central America to Australasia. 48 It was after the Second World War, with decolonisation in many countries, that more international interventions took place outside Europe. Some were coordinated by the International Movement, for example in Palestine between 1948 and 1950, and in smaller interventions in Indonesia and other areas of Asia. 49 David Forsythe particularly concentrates on Korea, Hungary and French Algeria in the 1950s, noting that the last conflict was ‘a situation that touched parts of Europe deeply’, and

in The Red Cross Movement
European Union policy in South-east Europe
Anthony Welch

decisions. Today, the situation is actually worse, as the heavy international intervention, in the wake of conflict, has dissipated and the flow of international aid and reconstruction has diminished as donor funds shift to new crisis areas. This scaling down of effort has revealed a devastated political and economic system, where citizens of these newly independent states see few options for recovery or

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Bronwen Everill

As the post-colonial struggle to tackle these problems at a national level showed, however, endemic and epidemic disease and other crises of ‘development’ have in fact generated the very same kinds of global interventions that empires neglected. Historian Gregory Mann argues that this period saw a growing weakness arising out of humanitarian crises, such as famines, that saw West African governments asking for international

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
Abstract only
Mary Venner

broadly agreed with each other on the overall goals of the international intervention, each also pursued their unique national or institutional interests and competed for status and influence. They had their own particular motives for becoming involved, as well as their own ways of working, funding limitations and organisational challenges. On the ground in Kosovo the work of these organisations and the relations

in Donors, technical assistance and public administration in Kosovo
Mary Venner

evaluations, comments by independent observers and the opinions of international advisers and Kosovars. These all suggest that PFM is widely regarded as a success of the international intervention. The Customs Service, the MFE, the Central Bank and, to a lesser extent, the Tax Administration are, in particular, considered to be relatively competent, well-functioning institutions. However, not all components

in Donors, technical assistance and public administration in Kosovo
Abstract only
The politics of humanitarian exceptionalism
Philip Cunliffe

international intervention as relevant only where states fail in their duties to provide protection – a final resort. Even before the responsibility to protect formalised intervention as an exceptionalist measure in the international order, Nicholas Wheeler had already adopted the Churchillian discourse of world war in order to capture what was at stake in debates over the humanitarian use of force – in Wheeler’s words what justified intervention was a ‘supreme humanitarian emergency’.4 Thus in this formulation the politics of humanitarian intervention was explicitly

in Cosmopolitan dystopia
Abstract only
Doing good in Africa
Julia Gallagher

which we insist for ourselves’ (Cook, 1997a). The policy was understood to mean that sometimes Britain would be prepared to act at some cost to itself in the interests of wider principle. Cook’s recipe for principled action looks rather cautious now, followed as it was by the more assertive international interventions of the Labour Government: he was anxious to work within international legal frameworks, and at this early stage there did not appear to be wider govern- 8 Britain and Africa under Blair ment commitment to the ethical dimension to justify anything

in Britain and Africa under Blair