For the theatre must not be ‘realistic’
drama is no mere setting up of the camera to nature …
(George Bernard Shaw)
‘Cup-and-saucer’ Realism versus melodrama
In turning to drama it is important to recognise that concentrating on the textual aspect alone would give us only a limited insight into its relationship with literary Realism. In this chapter, therefore, as well as the texts themselves, I will look at other crucial elements such as stage design, and a technical feature often overlooked – the aside – something which
The realist challenge to liberal theory
The recent resurgence of interest in realist political theory has often been
presented as essentially little more than the latest in a long line of critiques
of liberalism.1 This is unfortunate and obscures the extent to which realism
is a distinct and compelling form of political theorising in its own right.
Nevertheless, it is indeed the case that realism does present an alternative and
competing theory of politics to liberalism and challenges it on some of its most
fundamental theoretical and normative commitments. In
One of the strongest and most
longstanding forms of criticism that has been levelled against
Lukács is that his conception of realism is too closely
associated with a particular genre of art: that of the
nineteenth-century realist novel; and that, as a consequence of
this, as well as for other reasons, he came to disregard and rebuff
some of the
Some of the objections to Realism are variations on a theme, and others, such as those found in the second half of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first, are new(ish). The objections might be quite specific, for example, the way that critics and theorists talk about the type of language or prose style that characterises Realism, or at a much broader level, for example, objections to the claim that reality can be faithfully copied. Other objections take a different tack, such as the idea that Realism itself is nothing new, that it is no
Generally speaking, the world-wide interest in
Marxist literary theory is ultimately an interest in the concept of
Lukács’ aesthetic doctrine … is a
perfect theoretical justification of Stalin’s cultural policy.
Lukács in fact forged the conceptual instruments of cultural
Attenuated modernism: realism in the 1930s and 1950s
The narrative thus far in relation to Realism and fiction goes something like this. Realism gains hold as a dominant aesthetic some time in the middle of the nineteenth century, partly as a reaction against Romanticism, partly as a response to the perceived issues of the age and the need for a socially-responsive and responsible medium, partly as a continuance of the development of the novel form, and partly as a response to scientific developments and thought. Realism has two distinct but related forms in
This book traces discussions about international relations from the middle ages up to the present times. It presents central concepts in historical context and shows how ancient ideas still affect the way we perceive world politics. It discusses medieval theologians like Augustine and Aquinas whose rules of war are still in use. It presents Renaissance humanists like Machiavelli and Bodin who developed our understanding of state sovereignty. It argues that Enlightenment philosophers like Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau laid the basis for the modern analyses of International Relations (IR). Later thinkers followed up with balance-of-power models, perpetual-peace projects and theories of exploitation as well as peaceful interdependence. Classic IR theories have then been steadily refined by later thinkers – from Marx, Mackinder and Morgenthau to Waltz, Wallerstein and Wendt. The book shows that core ideas of IR have been shaped by major events in the past and that they have often reflected the concerns of the great powers. It also shows that the most basic ideas in the field have remained remarkably constant over the centuries.
The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) are now the third largest party grouping in the European Parliament and the only one which openly promotes ideas and values associated with conservatism. Despite this, ECR has been largely ignored by political scientists, journalists and other policymakers in Brussels – dismissed as merely a short-term Eurosceptic faction dreamt up by British Conservatives. This book can be considered the first major study of conservatives in the European Parliament, focusing on their Euro-realist political ideology, activities and achievements. It covers the origins and developments of the group: David Cameron set it up as a gesture to the Eurosceptic wing of his party, but this decision would go on leave him increasingly isolated as United Kingdom Prime Minister in the European Union as he was no longer part of the important European People’s Party (EPP) network. Other chapters focus on the role of ECR member parties, including Law and Justice (PiS) from Poland, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and the Danish People’s Party (DF), and concludes by analysing the policy activities and achievements of ECR Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). While it is conceded in the book that ECR’s claim to be an ‘honest friend’ to the EU is perhaps disingenuous, its aim of promoting Atlanticist values linked to free-market economics and NATO constitutes a unique selling point in Strasbourg, and deserves to be more widely acknowledged.
From the start of the Cold War to the presidency of Donald Trump, nuclear weapons have been central to the internal dynamics of US alliances in Europe and Asia. But cooperation on policy, strategy, posture and deployment of US nuclear weapons has varied significantly between US alliances and over time. Partners in Deterrence goes beyond traditional accounts that focus on deterrence and reassurance in US nuclear policy, and instead places the objectives and influence of US allies at the centre of analysis. Through a series of case studies informed by a rigorous analytical framework, it reveals that US allies have wielded significant influence in shaping nuclear weapons cooperation with the US in ways that reflect their own, often idiosyncratic, objectives. Combining in-depth empirical analysis with an accessible theoretical lens, Partners in Deterrence provides important lessons for contemporary policy makers and makes an essential contribution to existing scholarship on alliances and nuclear weapons.
This volume traces changing images of Germany in the field of International
Relations (IR). Images of countries are mental representations with audio-visual
and narrative dimensions that identify typical or even unique characteristics.
This book focuses on perceptions of Germany from the English-speaking world and
on the role they played in the development of twentieth-century IR theory. When
the discipline originated, liberal internationalists contrasted cooperative
foreign policies with inherently aggressive Prussianism. Early realists
developed their ideas with reference to the German fight against the Treaty of
Versailles. Geopoliticians and German emigre scholars relied on German history
when they translated historical experiences into social-scientific vocabularies.
The book demonstrates that few states have seen their image change as
drastically as Germany during the century. After the Second World War, liberals,
lawyers, and constructivists developed new theories and concepts in view of the
Nuremberg trials, the transformation of the former enemy into an ally of the
West, and Germany’s new commitment to multilateralism. Today, IR theorists
discuss the perplexing nature of ‘civilian power’ Germany – an economic giant
but a military dwarf. Yet the chapters in this volume also show that there has
never been just one image of Germany, but always several standing next to each
other in a sometimes compatible and sometimes contradictory manner.