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Raj Chari, John Hogan, Gary Murphy, and Michele Crepaz

, it is worth considering what is generally meant by the term lobbying regulation . A fundamental dimension of lobbying rules is that lobbyists must register with the state, usually an independent regulator, before contact is made with elected representatives and high-level civil servants and officials who they target. The legislation defines which lobbyists are regulated (such as consultancies, in-house corporate lobbyists, NGOs and professional associations) and which organisations may be exempt from registration (such as charities; lawyers, or accountants). The

in Regulating lobbying (second edition)
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Susan Strange

partiality or fraud. It follows that the responsibility for what has been beneficial in recent financial innovations, and for what has put the rest of the economy in dangerous jeopardy, has to be shared between the innovators who thought up the new ideas and the regulators who gave their permission, or failed to impose conditions on the innovators. This is why the distinction made in manufacturing between new products and new processes is still useful. It is so because, in finance, much more than in manufacturing, each might pose different policy issues: regulators might

in Mad Money
Susan Strange

American regulatory system, moreover, is additionally peculiar in the way in which responsibility is shared, in a rather messy way, between the Federal Reserve Board, the Comptroller of the Currency, the FDIC and the SEC. A brief word about each will explain – not the outcome – the supposed relation between these regulators. The Comptroller of the Currency – as the archaic name suggests – dates back to the early days of the republic. Then, the office controlled the printing of currency and the chartering of national banks. Now as then, the Comptroller is a political

in Mad Money
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The financialisation of Ireland and the roots of austerity
Conor McCabe

speculation. The speech made by Trichet, along with The Economist article, serve to highlight the financial flows which fuelled the bubble. Trichet acknowledged their existence and power: he just didn’t see them as a problem. It was the same approach taken by the law-makers and regulators in Ireland. Finance was not an issue until it became one. The turmoil in the financial markets, bubbling under the surface for much of 2007, hit the front pages in September of that year with the bailout of UK bank, Northern Rock. The Bank of England was forced to provide direct funding

in Ireland under austerity
Richard Parrish

principles of the four freedoms to be undermined. The belief system of the sociocultural coalition is held together by the logic of positive integration and a commitment to the socio-cultural model of sports regulation. Sport possesses social and cultural characteristics which necessitates a soft touch application of law. Furthermore, the market-based definition of sport adopted by the Single Market regulators conflicts with the socio-cultural coalition’s concern to develop a people’s Europe. Membership of the two advocacy coalitions is wide. The term ‘actor’ refers to

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
Claudio M. Radaelli and Fabrizio De Francesco

clearly justified as superior to other options. This is the case for the UK, but it is not necessarily a manifestation of quality in the Irish approach or the Commission’s approach to RIA. Ours is an approach based on quality as the impact of regulatory tools on the major actors and stakeholders (regulators, politicians, companies and citizens – see chapter 2). The idea is not to make experts think, but to make institutions think. And institutions ‘think’ if tools like consultation and RIA have an impact on the regulators and the stakeholders, that is, if they are taken

in Regulatory quality in Europe
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The bank guarantee and Ireland’s financialised neo-liberal growth model
Fiona Dukelow

of €120bn in 2000 to almost €400bn by 2007… By the end of 2007, total loans and advances to customers stood at over twice GDP, up from 1.1 times GDP in 2000’ (Nyberg, 2011 :12). Banking profits grew enormously too. Anglo for example reported an 826 per cent rise in after-tax profits between 2000 and 2007, and it ‘was widely admired domestically and abroad, and lauded … as a role model for other Irish banks to emulate’ (Nyberg, 2011 : ii). All of this appeared benign to the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator, institutions which had been restructured in the

in Defining events
Anti-monopoly regulation
Masahiro Mogaki

-monopoly policies caused a significant transformation in countries outside the US, which assumed before the Second World War that ‘anticompetitive collaboration through cartels among business, government, and producers was necessary to preserve social order at home and competitive advantage abroad’ (Freyer 2006: 3). This transformation prompted the emergence of anti-monopoly regulators as state actors in countries outside the US. At the same time, because traditional sentiment in favour of state–business collaboration existed in those countries, the introduction of an approach in

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan
Financialisation as a product of virtual fictitious financial capital
Aleksander Buzgalin and Andrey Kolganov

capital has caused a wave of deregulation; financial speculations have become the new ‘regulator’, a substitute for state action on the economy. Third, property relations and the distribution of income have become vastly more unequal (the system of rights to the ownership of constantly ‘migrating’ fictitious capital is a separate topic). Finally, the whole system of social reproduction has acquired many specific features, among which are the sharply increased dependence of this process on the risky nature and instability of the economic system, short-termism, and other

in Twenty-first-century capital
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Transformation, governance and the state in the Japanese context
Masahiro Mogaki

independent implementation. This reflects the fact that Japan’s anti-monopoly regulator does not have a robust link with politics, unlike other government ministries. The above set of claims challenges the traditional views of pluralist and rational choice literature by explicitly highlighting the significance of the state-level as key. It also evolves from the traditional statist view by embracing not a particular state actor, but a group of key state actors within a tangible political arena: the state at a macro level. The following chapters will set out to demonstrate

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan