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fixation.29 In particular, Powell found it particularly galling to watch successive British governments responding to the advancement of American dominance. He could never forgive the Conservative leader Macmillan’s decision of voluntary subordination to the United States, dignified as a ‘Special Relationship’.30 In 1965 Powell suffered a public defeat, losing the leadership of the Conservative Party to Edward Heath. Powell achieved only a distant third place in this internal election and was given the role of shadow defence minister. To stand any serious possibility of
regional and international concerns and an added source of strength in pushing economic and scientific development with India receiving valuable assistance in establishing basic industrial infrastructure. The relationship with the Soviet Union offered protection against perceived external adversaries, Pakistan and China, even as Soviet military support allowed India to emerge as a military power of some consequence. It is not surprising, therefore, that despite trying to emerge as a leader of the NAM, India sought to cultivate a “special relationship” with the Soviet
see D. Bloomfield, Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland: The Brooke Initiative, 1989–92 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998). 5 For more details see P. Arthur, Special Relationships (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 2000). 6 G. Bell, Troublesome Business (London: Pluto Press, 1982), p. 146. 7 Ibid., p. 143. 8 J. Chamberlain, Home Rule and the Irish Question. A Collection of Speeches Delivered between 1881 and 1887 (London: National Radical Union, 1887), p. 5. 9 J. C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland (London: Faber and Faber, 1966), p. 400. 10 This was
absence of American political will at executive level to intervene with the British government on their behalf, as a test of their ‘special’ relationship. More often than not, it did not materialise. Nevertheless, nationalists’ hope for American salvation was sustained by their belief in the presence of substantial interest in some quarters of the executive and in the power of the ‘Irish vote’. As representatives of official America in Ireland, the consuls’ role, therefore, was to deal with the consequences when unofficial America responded to the call for intervention
the leading protagonists in the Golzow saga. Jürgen, whom the Junges had known since he was a child of seven, was terminally ill with cancer and indeed died a few weeks later, still only in his early fifties. This had clearly been a difficult visit for the Junges, but hearing them talk so movingly about Jürgen and his contribution to the Golzow films was a poignant reminder of the very special relationship that can develop between filmmakers and their subjects in this type of work. Participants in such long-stay projects become in a very real sense members of the
of realism, fantasy and comedy. Television has long been regarded as a medium that has a special relationship with its viewers’ everyday lives. In a sense, the scholarly study of television – in particular what we could call the aesthetic study of television drama – is a process of ‘making strange’ the most familiar of media, of attaining some kind of critical distance from that which is quotidian and taken for granted. Yet it is television’s very familiarity, and its conventional focus upon the familiar, the present time and the everyday, that opens up
: Northern Ireland 1972–75 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013), p. 185. 9 Richard English, ‘Review: Shaun McDaid, Template for peace’, Irish Historical Studies, 39:154 (2014), p. 366. 10 Michael Cunningham, British government policy in Northern Ireland 1969– 2000 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001). 11 Paul Bew and Henry Patterson, The British state and the Ulster crisis: from Wilson to Thatcher (London: Verso, 1985). 12 Paul Arthur, Special relationships: Britain, Ireland and the Northern Ireland problem (Belfast: Blackstaff, 2000); Peter
distant. The United Kingdom had wanted no role in a European Defense Community and could not see itself as any part of a European unity movement. The United Kingdom’s European role in the 1950s was, in effect, an extension of its special relationship with the United States and a distraction from British global political and military involvements. Furthermore, British foreign trade with the Commonwealth was more substantial than that with continental Europe. The United States valued the special relationship and appreciated the important role that the United Kingdom
having abandoned its EU membership, the EU continues with some successes and some failures in attempts to give the Union a more substantial integrated military capability. The UK makes some cooperative military arrangements with its former EU partners while seeking a continued “special relationship,” including intelligence sharing, with the United States. In this potential future, several allies spend around 2 percent of GDP on defense by 2024 as was agreed at the 2014 Wales summit, while others fall short. Radical positive change In this future, the goal of a more
’. She suggests that national identity, and national culture, is formed out of an accumulation of regional identities and cultures: ‘The English define their identity from their village, town or city. It is the sum of those cultural experiences which amalgamate COOKE PRINT.indd 5 05/07/2012 13:36 6 A Sense of Place and coalesce into a national culture’ (Hobson, 2002: 35). Hobson did, however, agree with Davies and Sylvia Harvey that: ‘Broadcasters must recognise their special relationship to our sense of community and national identity. One of the most effective