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after the end of the First World War, Britain was failing to make a quick adjustment to a peacetime economy. The government considered unemployment such an issue that David Lloyd George, the Liberal prime minister, prepared a cabinet scheme to generate jobs. A recent demonstration where the unemployed and what The Times described as ‘the unemployable and, mischief-makers’ marched up and down Whitehall had also heightened public awareness of this issue.3 Lloyd George’s scheme had three main initiatives to increase the employment of ex-servicemen. These were a housing
unemployment. Their critique moved from a critique of the university to a critique of society.16 Their demands for radical reconstruction and democratisation touched upon every sphere of life. The students critiqued capitalism, the culture of consumption and the mass media, and questioned the oppression of women, discrimination against minorities and segregation of youth. Although their demands covered a broad range, it is this chapter’s main argument that they all derived from a common basis, that is ‘destructive critique’.17 By ‘destructive critique’ is meant a critique
wages to collapse while unemployment quadrupled (Kimmerling and Migdal 2003: 294). With no end in sight to Israeli rule and deteriorating living conditions, the brewing animosity and frustration within the Palestinian population exploded into the 1987 Intifada (uprising). The six years of sustained wide-scale protests against Israeli rule that ensued fundamentally altered Israeli attitudes towards
played by the wives of the unemployed; a picture of the experience of working women in protest has begun to emerge.5 The wives of the unemployed together with women’s sections in the labour movement played a fundamental part in marches and demonstrations. In both south Wales and the north-east of England where levels of formal female economic activity were low, women marched in solidarity against the effects of unemployment upon family and community life. Drawing upon a longer radical tradition, the protests of the earlier 1930s were also important in laying the
been unchanged for a hundred years. 8 For women and children, of course, the wages were even lower at 16 or 18 cents a day – and two-thirds of the labour force on the plantations were women and children. 9 Centuries of slavery had clearly inured the planter class to the naturalisation of black poverty. Levels of unemployment, or intermittent and under-employment, were high. Of the 37,500 people engaged in estate work
projects that seek to materialise military men’s experiences. Representations of the relationship of these men with home continues to be complex and charged with emotions. Thus, thirdly, this epilogue discusses how changed forms of male work, as well as unemployment, retirement, illness, and, more recently, paternal caring roles, are all configured through men’s uneasy presence in the home: an arena in which manhood is still presumed to be undermined or compromised. Fourthly, throughout this book, the imagined body of the working-class man has been shown to impact
to the 1970s. Despite the deepening unemployment crisis, the peace movement was preoccupied with the placement of cruise missiles on British territory and the confrontational posturing on either side of the Iron Curtain. Many on CND feared that a multifaceted approach would dilute the potency of its message, just as the preoccupation with the Vietnam War had done in the late 1960s. The campaign made a deliberate choice in 1981 to drop its economic dimension and focus entirely on the imposition of cruise missiles and the planned replacement of the Polaris submarine
With help from a Rathcoole charity and the Unemployed Centre near Donegal Place, Petesy and other members of the Warzone Collective expanded their cafe into a fully fledged social centre and gig venue called Giro's (after the popular name for unemployment benefit). Petesy said: This is ’86, so I was 24. We'd nothing but time on our hands. So we went in and just completely refurbished this place, got the ground floor ready and turned it into a practice room. And within a few months we had like two
domestic division of labour over the life course. Pahl pairs the story of Linda and Jim with a much shorter case study of Beryl and George, a couple untouched by unemployment and living a life of ‘modest affluence’ (George was a docker, Beryl a part-time cook). George and Beryl are used as a device to highlight the arbitrariness of Linda and Jim’s fate. Pahl comments, They [Beryl and George] are like Jim and Linda might have been if Jim had been in the docks instead of on the water. The contrast between the contented, relaxed style of Beryl and George and the
, finally collapsed. Alienated by state corruption and secrecy, frustrated with massive unemployment and failing economic policies, thousands of young demonstrators took to the streets to protest. The army responded by firing on the people. By the end of the month, five hundred demonstrators had been shot dead and the relation between people and government had altered irrevocably. October 1988 has been described as ‘the climax of